¿Qué perfil esconden los jóvenes que tirotean las escuelas de EE. UU.?

Conocer el perfil psicológico de una persona que es capaz de cometer un crimen tan atroz como el sucedido el día 23 de mayo en el Estado de Texas, EE. UU. es imprescindible para comprender las razones por las que un joven de tan solo 18 años puede levantarse un día normal, como otro cualquiera, recoger las armas que ha adquirido con total impunidad y dirigirse a un centro escolar y arrebatarle la vida a 21 personas entre alumnos y profesores, además de herir a otras 15.

Importante es el detalle de que, antes de salir de su casa, según informan las autoridades locales, el sujeto mantiene una discusión con su abuela, que acaba con un disparo en la cabeza. Deja a la mujer gravemente malherida y no solicita ayuda para ella en ningún momento. Así comienza el día de Salvador Ramos que, tras este incidente, decide salir a la calle, coger su camioneta y conducir hasta que llega al centro educativo. Es entonces cuando Salvador sale del vehículo, salta la valla del centro escolar y comienza a disparar indiscriminadamente.

¿Es posible que en realidad el sujeto no hubiera decidido con premeditación qué iba a hacer antes del incidente sucedido en su casa? ¿Es posible que la elección del lugar se debiera a una casualidad que solo tenga explicación porque el vehículo se paró justo frente a la escuela? Y la pregunta más importante: ¿se podría haber evitado?

Resulta difícil comprender que un joven adaptado a la sociedad, sin ningún antecedente criminal previo que se conozca, al menos hasta el momento, se haya visto envuelto en este trágico suceso que aparentemente no tiene explicación. Por lo que se sabe hasta ahora, no tenía ninguna relación con el centro ni con ninguno de los alumnos y profesores más allá de que pertenecía a la misma comunidad.

¿Una infancia complicada?

Sin caer en tópicos que solo podrían perjudicar a todas las personas involucradas, parece difícil creer que no se haya detectado por parte de familiares, amigos o personas cercanas alguna bandera roja que indicara que algo funcionaba mal. Una infancia complicada con ausencia de amor fraternal, distanciamiento emocional con las personas de su entorno cercano, falta de empatía, violencia temprana con otros niños o incluso con animales pequeños, bajos niveles de asertividad, dificultades para socializar e interactuar con otros son algunos de los rasgos que pueden definir un perfil psicopático que sea coherente con un asesino.

Sin embargo, esto es solo una breve muestra de las señales que se pueden presentar sin que por ello la persona presente una patología mental. Lo que parece común en estos casos es que la persona que realiza semejante atrocidad mantiene un sentimiento o percepción de que ha sido tratado de manera injusta en algún momento por alguna persona o grupo de personas.

Pero nada de esto puede explicar lo sucedido y tampoco se explica el aumento que se está dando en los últimos años en EE. UU. de asesinatos masivos en centros escolares y otros lugares públicos. Se puede alegar que una razón importante es el fácil acceso a las armas en un país en el que el número de armas de fuego supera con creces al de ciudadanos y donde solo es necesario ser mayor de edad para poder adquirir cualquier tipo de armamento con tranquilidad y sin requisito psicológico alguno.

Es cierto que estos sucesos no suelen aparecer en otras partes del mundo con la misma frecuencia y crueldad. Por eso parece lógico pensar que es necesaria una modificación de las leyes en este sentido y un mayor control de los riesgos asociados a la tenencia de armas desde una edad tan temprana.

Por otra parte, el rápido acceso a la información puede ser una razón que, aunque no pueda explicar el origen de la idea inicial de matar a otras personas, sí que puede explicar que un individuo que tiene dicho pensamiento encuentre la forma de llevarlo a efecto y se sienta reconfortado por poder compartir lo que siente con otras personas de semejante ideología. Parece entonces probable que este aumento de incursiones asesinas se haya visto reforzado por la posibilidad de imitación y por una mayor exposición a estos ejemplos en diferentes foros.

El acceso demasiado rápido a la información

Los jóvenes tienen acceso inmediato a la información compartida en las redes sociales, se comparten datos y contenidos de prácticamente cualquier cosa en tiempo real, y la violencia se está estableciendo como una forma normalizada de afrontar un problema cuando los perfiles en redes sociales de estos sujetos aumentan sus visitas e interacciones si se publican y comentan este tipo de situaciones. Se fomenta el morbo, la curiosidad por ser parte de algo que está fuera de los estándares definidos por la sociedad. Y las imágenes, los vídeos y los comentarios se hacen virales y dan la vuelta al mundo en cuestión de minutos. Todo esto va a estimular y motivar a estas personas que buscan desesperadamente sobresalir, que necesitan la atención por parte de los otros.

Podemos y debemos buscar explicación a estos ataques, intentar identificar patrones cognitivos y conductuales que nos permitan prevenir que se den con demasiada frecuencia y crueldad. Sin embargo, no es sencillo encontrar unas pautas de actuación que sean eficaces en todos los casos porque cada persona es diferente. En cada caso, un evento concreto puede funcionar como detonante de una conducta que nunca se ha presentado con anterioridad.

Fuente: https://theconversation.com/que-perfil-esconden-los-jovenes-que-tirotean-las-escuelas-de-ee-uu-183857

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¿Qué es eso de la “prevención de la violencia juvenil”?

En el que ahora parece muy lejano 1972 –lejano no por lo cronológico sino por otro tipo de lejanía– decía el socialista presidente chileno, Salvador Allende: “ser joven y no ser revolucionario es una contradicción hasta biológica”.

Hoy, cinco décadas después, esa afirmación parece fuera de contexto. ¿Se equivocaba Allende en aquel momento? ¿Cambiaron mucho las cosas en general? ¿Cambió la juventud en particular?

Por lo pronto, hablar de “la” juventud es un imposible. De hecho, “juventud” es una construcción socio-cultural, por tanto, sujeta a los vaivenes de los juegos de fuerza de la historia, de los entrecruzamientos de poderes, cambiante, dinámica. Como mínimo, habría que hablar de distintos modelos de juventud, situándolos explícitamente: ¿juventud urbana, rural, de clase alta, pobre, marginalizada, varones, mujeres, estudiante, trabajadora, desocupada? El rompecabezas en cuestión es complejo. En Latinoamérica adquiere mayor complejidad aún si consideramos el tema étnico: ¿juventud indígena?, ¿juventud no-indígena?

Las sociedades latinoamericanas tienen un perfil especialmente joven. O “joven”, al menos, para los parámetros que imponen las visiones dominantes, que no son las nacidas en estas latitudes. Visión eurocéntrica, blancocéntrica, de los “dominadores”; a partir de esa cosmovisión hegemónica que concibe expectativas de vida superiores a, por lo menos, 60 años, puede decirse que las categorías niñez, adolescencia y juventud comprenden, sumadas, más de la mitad de la población total de la región latinoamericana. Es decir: son colectivos jóvenes, con tasas de natalidad muy altas. A diferencia de Europa –población envejecida sin recambio generacional– en Latinoamérica, con índices de crecimiento demográfico elevados, la población se viene duplicando a gran velocidad en estas últimas décadas. Es en el gran segmento joven, donde se dan problemas profundos sin recibir las respuestas adecuadas.

Las poblaciones jóvenes de las mega-ciudades de la región (con muchas urbes de entre 10 y 20 millones de habitantes), por complejas sumatorias de factores, en vez de verse como el “futuro” en cada país, constituyen un “problema”. ¿Por qué problema? Porque los modelos de desarrollo económico-social vigentes (capitalistas) no pueden dar salida a ese enorme colectivo, y lo que debería ser una promesa hacia el porvenir, en muy buena medida es una carga, un “trastorno” por no encontrar salida digna para ubicarse. En muchas circunstancias, la única salida es marchar en calidad de migrante irregular hacia el prometido “sueño americano” de Estados Unidos.

Por lo pronto vemos que no hay “una” juventud, sino situaciones diversas, con proyectos disímiles, antagónicos en muchos casos. Pero hay un común denominador: en ningún caso está presente esta figura que evocaba Salvador Allende. La vocación revolucionaria de la juventud parece haberse extinguido; o, al menos, está muy adormecida. ¿Qué pasó?

Según puede leerse en un análisis de situación sobre la realidad de los países latinoamericanos formulado por una de las tantas agencias de cooperación que trabajan las temáticas juveniles (en este caso, la estadounidense USAID), “la falta de oportunidades de educación, capacitación y empleo limita severamente las opciones de los jóvenes y la mayoría se ven obligados a ser trabajadores no calificados antes de los 15 años. Esto es particularmente grave entre los jóvenes del área rural. Desesperados, muchos de ellos emigran a las ciudades y otros países en busca de trabajo y un número cada vez mayor cae en el “dinero fácil” provisto por el crimen organizado y las pandillas juveniles”.

Para la visión dominante hoy día la juventud, o buena parte de ella al menos, ha pasado a ser un “problema”; de esa cuenta, rápidamente pude “caer en el dinero fácil”, en los circuitos de la criminalidad, en la marginalidad peligrosa. En ese sentido, es siempre un peligro potencial. Sin negar que estas conductas delincuenciales en verdad sucedan, desde esa óptica de cooperación a que nos referimos, “juventud” –al menos una parte de la juventud: la juventud pobre, la que marchó a la ciudad y habita los barrios pobres y “peligrosos” mal llamados “zonas rojas”– es intrínsecamente una bomba de tiempo. Por tanto, hay que prevenir que estalle. Y ahí están a la orden del día las campañas de prevención.

Pero ¿prevención de qué? ¿Qué se está previniendo con los tan mentados programas de prevención juvenil? ¿Qué supuestos implícitos hay ahí?

Es evidente que cierta juventud (la que no tiene oportunidades, la excluida en los grandes asentamientos urbanos pobres –que albergan a una cuarte parte de la población urbana de Latinoamérica–) constituye un “peligro” para la lógica de las élites dominantes. Para ese statu quo, hoy el peligro no es, como festejaba cinco décadas atrás Salvador Allende, ser “joven revolucionario”. Pareciera que la sociedad bienpensante ya se sacó de encima eso; el peligro de la revolución social y las expropiaciones salió de agenda (al menos por ahora). En estos momentos la preocupación dominante respecto a los jóvenes –a estos jóvenes de urbanizaciones pobres, claro– es que puedan “ser un marginal”, caer en las pandillas, buscar el “dinero fácil”.

La idea de prevención pareciera que apunta a prevenir que los jóvenes delincan, ¡pero no que no sean pobres! Este último punto pareciera no tocarse; lo que al sistema le preocupa es la incomodidad, la “fealdad” que va de la mano de lo marginal: ser un pandillero, ser un asocial, no entrar en los circuitos de la buena integración, no consumir. Lo que está en la base de este pensamiento es una sumatoria de valores discriminatorios: ser morenito, estar tatuado, utilizar determinada ropa o provenir de ciertas áreas de la ciudad ya tiene, por sí solo, un valor de estigma. Como dijo sarcásticamente alguien: “la peligrosidad de los jóvenes está en relación inversamente proporcional a la blancura de su piel”. ¿Por qué tanta policía de “gatillo fácil” ensañada con cierta juventud? ¿Qué es lo que se busca prevenir entonces cuando se hace “prevención” con los jóvenes?

Las causas por las que se dan determinadas conductas –las delincuenciales para el caso– no se tocan; la prevención, en esa lógica, es ese mecanismo aséptico que apunta a los síntomas, a lo visible, lo superficial. Se busca cosméticamente que no se vea la punta desagradable del iceberg; pero la masa principal se desconoce. ¡Y ahí está justamente lo más importante! ¿Por qué ahora hay un imaginario que liga en muy buena medida juventud con peligro? Porque ese sector, ese enorme colectivo, el que años atrás se movilizaba y, rebelde, emprendía la crítica al sistema –tomando las armas en más de un caso, con una mística de abnegación que en la actualidad parece haberse esfumado– hoy día está pasando cada vez más a ser un problema para el equilibrio sistémico en tanto el capitalismo se empantana cada vez más no pudiendo asimilar cantidades crecientes de población que buscan incorporarse al mercado laboral y a los beneficios de la modernidad. Ante ello, ante esa cerrazón estructural del sistema capitalista, la masa crítica de jóvenes en vez de verse como “promesa de futuro” termina siendo una carga. Al no saber qué hacer con ella, y siempre desde autoritarios criterios adultocéntricos, termina identificándola en gran medida con la violencia, con el consumo de droga, con el alcoholismo y la haraganería; en definitiva, con todo lo que pueda ser negativo, reprochable. Si años atrás la policía podía detener a un joven por “sospechoso de guerrillero subversivo”, hoy día puede hacerlo por sospechoso de ¿“violento”?, de ¿“pobre”?, simplemente de ¿“joven de barrio pobre”? A los jóvenes “pudientes” –en general “blanquitos”– no se les toca.

Ahora bien: el sistema también genera antídotos, prótesis que le permiten seguir funcionando. Si bien es cierto que la juventud dejó de ser ese fermento “biológicamente revolucionario” (y molesto para la dinámica dominante) de años atrás, y en buena medida hoy es sinónimo de “sospechosa”, paralelamente aparece otro modelo, nuevo sin dudas: el joven “comprometido”. Pero no con un compromiso como puede haber sido el de aquel modelo de juventud politizada de algunas décadas atrás, sino un compromiso mucho más “light”, para decirlo con términos que ya nos marcan el ámbito cultural dominante: globalización neoliberal triunfante, individualismo, ética del sálvese quien pueda, fin de las ideologías, pragmatismo y lengua inglesa como insignia del triunfo en juego: el “number one” como aspiración, para no ser un loser.

Cultura “light”, actitud “light”… ideología “light” por lo tanto. Eso pareciera que es lo que está en juego, y buena parte de la juventud, la que no es sospechosa de peligrosidad, la que no remeda la pandilla, ahora presenta este perfil. Hablamos de una juventud comprometida, pero no como lo era en otro momento histórico, lo cual la llevó en muchos países latinoamericanos a tomar actitudes radicales –que, no olvidar, se pagó con la propia vida–. Pareciera que esta juventud actual que se “compromete” con su entorno no pasa de participar en actividades de voluntariado social, ayudando a sus congéneres en servicios que, si bien no son llamadas “caritativos”, no están muy lejos de ello. ¿Qué son, si no, todos estos voluntariados que surgen cada vez más con más fuerza? El compromiso llega hasta ir a atender niños pobres en un orfelinato un fin de semana, o viejitos en un geriátrico. Loable, claro… pero ¿qué significa eso? ¿No es eso lo que siempre han hecho los Boys Scouts o las Damas de Caridad? ¿Eso es el “compromiso” social?

Aunque dicho demasiado esquemáticamente quizá, hoy pareciera que la juventud en América Latina básicamente discurre entre estos modelos: o se es sospechoso (por ser pobre, por estar excluido, por portar los emblemas de la disfuncionalidad –tatuajes, cierta ropa, provenir de una barriada pobre y marginal, el color de la piel, etc.–) o se es un joven “comprometido” desde estos nuevos esquemas de participación: compromiso light, despolitizado, en sintonía con la idea de responsabilidad social empresarial. O, por último, migrar en condiciones infrahumanas, como “mojados”, sin olvidar que, según el discurso oficial dominante, de todos los países empobrecidos, la juventud “migra”, mientras que de Cuba: “huye”. Aunque, claro está, la realidad es infinitamente más compleja que eso: la juventud, retomando lo dicho por Allende, no puede dejar de ser rebelde. Y eso, guste o no, es un eterno fermento de cambio, aunque se la disfrace de lo que se quiera.

Fuente: https://rebelion.org/que-es-eso-de-la-prevencion-de-la-violencia-juvenil/

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El arte callejero que previene la violencia juvenil

América del Sur/ Guatemala/ 07.05.2019/ Fuente: elperiodico.com.gt.

El arte tiene la capacidad, por un lado, de generar procesos de sanación individual, de resiliencia y de toma de acción de las personas; de ser agente social para cambiar nuestra realidad; y, por otro lado, es una herramienta muy efectiva para trabajar con determinados colectivos, es decir es muy potente también para generar comunidad.

Chota nació en un contexto de violencia pero gracias al arte del graffitti encontró un espacio de sanación y resiliencia, un lugar desde donde expresar su ser. Hoy es un líder comunitario en el Barrio 13 de Medillín. Este viernes 10 de mayo, conversará con Juan Pablo Romero, fundador y director del proyecto educativo comunitario en Jocotenango, Los Patojos.

Los programas de arte graffiti en la política pública colombiana son un posible referente para prevenir la violencia juvenil. Invertir en arte callejero y juvenil es hacer una inversión humana para el espíritu. Dado que la violencia es estructural, además de educación y oportunidades, aquí lo que hace falta es llenar también el espíritu. Con y desde el arte callejero podemos construir una cultura de paz.

Guatemala es considerado uno de los países más desiguales de Latinoamérica, el 51.76 por ciento de la población vive en pobreza. Más de dos millones de personas sobreviven con menos de un dólar al día, sin empleo, salud, vivienda y educación.

Existen otros factores estructurales asociados con la violencia, como la exclusión social y la desigualdad socioeconómica. Diferentes estudios muestran la correlación que existe entre desigualdad y violencia.

Los niños y chavos más vulnerables a la violencia son quienes han sido abandonados por sus familias; quienes tienen el pagmento y la calle como única alternativa, los que están fuera del sistema escolar; los jóvenes desempleados; quienes sufren explotación sexual comercial y económica; quienes migran en condiciones precarias y quienes viven en condiciones de hacinamiento en zonas marginales

Se estima que más de 1,3 millones de niños y adolescentes se encuentran fuera del sistema escolar. Los miembros de las pandillas, en su mayoría, han desertado el sistema educativo y prácticamente no tienen acceso a capacitación técnica ni al mercado laboral.

Marginales. Sin rumbo. Sin oportunidades. Sumidos en la creciente ola de crimen organizado, extorsiones, ataques a pilotos, tráfico de armas y drogas, asesinatos, violencia intrafamiliar, abuso sexual, linchamientos y otras formas de violencia juvenil, así navegan miles de jóvenes cooptados por el crimen organizado. Esos chavos no se cuentan cuentos y repiten: la muerte es segura, la vida no.

La educación, la capacitación, las oportunidades, el deporte son imprescindibles para prevenir la violencia juvenil. Pero es el arte el que puede generar identidades y comunidades de paz y para la paz.

En sociedades de posguerra como Colombia y Guatemala, el arte puede ser la respuesta más poderosa para construir nuevas identidades juveniles y sociedades más pacíficas.

El conversatorio organizado por Katie Pokorny y Nadia Gezzoli, sobre la No Violencia será en la galería de arte Nueva fábrica este viernes 10 de mayo a las 17:00 horas. Ahí conversaremos sobre cómo el arte callejero frena la violencia y crea cohesión social y sentido de comunidad. Los fondos se usarán para arte urbano y para conseguir becas para jóvenes talentosos. Los esperamos.

Fuente de la noticia: https://elperiodico.com.gt/gente/2019/05/06/banco-azteca-guatemala-es-certificada-como-gran-lugar-para-trabajar/

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Libro Pedagogía de la Indignación de Paulo Freire (descargar)

Pedagogía de la indignación; cartas pedagógicas en un mundo revuelto /Paulo Freire

Pedagogía de la indignación

¿Cuál es la indignación de la que habla el título de este libro, el último que escribió Paulo Freire? Tratándose de una obra suya, esa indignación está muy lejos de la rabia que se agota en sí misma. Es, más bien, una indignación política que apuesta a la construcción colectiva y a la esperanza.

¿Cómo enfrentar el reto de educar a los jóvenes para que no se conviertan en pequeños tiranos ni en seres inhibidos? Los padres y los profesores tienen que explorar una delicada tensión: dar libertad y autonomía y a la vez marcar límites, que equivalen a cuidar el entorno común y a respetar las diferencias. Se enseñan contenidos, pero también modos de habitar el mundo, de interpretarlo y de articular proyectos de cambio que se traducen en acción política: el objetivo no es “entrenar” a los jóvenes sino “formarlos” para una vida cada vez más compleja.

Con extrema lucidez, Freire habla asimismo de la violencia entre los adolescentes, que debe ser abordada con seriedad, sin estigmatizar a nadie, y de las revoluciones tecnológicas, que dificultan la transmisión generacional de valores y experiencias.

El quehacer del maestro comprometido no es entonces la única preocupación de Freire, que analiza además las luchas sociales pacíficas que buscan la transformación sin caer en el voluntarismo, la conciencia ecológica, la alfabetización en la era de la televisión, y la educación de adultos. El tono y el discurrir de los textos son testimonio de la búsqueda más persistente del autor: un diálogo de igual a igual con los lectores, cifra del verdadero aprendizaje.

176 págs. | 21 x 14
ISBN 978-987-629-228-3
4ta edición
Febrero de 2015

Descargar: Pedagogia de la Indignación

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‘América Latina es la región más violenta para la niñez’: Unicef

Redacción: El Tiempo

María Perceval, directora regional de la organización, dice que Colombia no es ajena a esa realidad.

El panorama de la niñez en América Latina no es alentador. Según cifras de Unicef, cada día 67 adolescentes entre 10 y 19 años son asesinados en las calles de la región.

Para María Perceval, directora regional de Unicef, este tema es preocupante e insta a los gobiernos a crear estrategias que permitan disminuir ese flagelo.

La especialista habló con EL TIEMPO, pues está de visita en Colombia, más exactamente en Manizales, para participar de la tercera versión de la Bienal Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Infancias y Juventudes.

¿Por qué Latinoamérica en la región más violenta para los niños, niñas y adolescentes? 

Avergüenza repetirlo y reiterarlo, pero América Latina y el Caribe son las regiones más desiguales del mundo, que a su vez, desiguala a sus niños y niñas. Y esto va de la mano con que son los lugares más violentos para la niñez.

La evidencia da cuenta de una escandalosa cifra: uno de cada cuatro homicidios de adolescentes que se producen por día en el mundo, ocurre en América Latina. Para darnos una idea, la tasa de homicidio de un adolescente es cinco veces más alta en América Latina, que la media global. Esto significa que cada día 67 adolescentes, entre 10 y 19 años, son asesinados en las calles de Latinoamérica.

Pero la violencia no solamente se genera en las calles, también en las escuelas y en los hogares. En las casas de América Latina, uno de cada dos niños menores de 15 años son víctimas de castigo corporal en su hogar. Colombia no es ajena a esa realidad y debe trabajar para reducir esos índices.

¿De qué manera se puede reducir esas cifras? 

Sabemos que los gobiernos deben garantizar un desarrollo infantil temprano e integral. Para ello se necesita crear servicios accesibles y pertinentes para niños de tres a ocho años.

Tienen que ser proyectos sociales, integrales y que no sean obstaculizadores de avanzar en la educación sino favorecedores de una experiencia educativa, positiva y constructiva.

Estamos decididos y comprometidos desde Unicef para generar un diálogo social y así descubrir qué está pasando. Estamos trabajando en un programa de prevención con las escuelas en la región y también en Colombia, para establecer una cultura de la tolerancia en donde sea posible reconocer al otro desde la biodiversidad del respeto.

Uno de cada cuatro homicidios de adolescentes que se producen por día en el mundo, ocurre en América Latina.

¿Se necesitaría entonces una política de educación encaminada a disminuir esos casos de violencia?, ¿cómo ve a Colombia en ese aspecto? 

Si se compara con los países de la región, Colombia, sin duda alguna, ha logrado universalizar su educación y elevar los índices de matrículas en la escuela primaria y en la secundaria. Sin embargo, la educación tiene muchos desafíos, sobre todo en el sector público, en donde se deben crear estrategias para encontrar espacios de aprendizaje y formación continua.

Además, hay que reducir los indices de deserción, pues cerca de 14 millones de niños y adolescentes están fuera del sistema educativa en América Latina y, de ese porcentaje, 10 millones abandonan la escuela secundaria.

Colombia ha hecho buenos esfuerzos, pero no debe bajar los brazos. Es necesario llegar a las poblaciones más marginadas, como los indígenas y los afrodescendientes.

¿La desigualdad también genera pobreza?, ¿cómo está la región en ese sentido?

En América Latina existen 193 millones de niños y adolescentes y, de esa cifra, 72 millones viven en condiciones de pobreza. No solamente estamos hablando de pobreza por ingresos, también de educación y de condiciones sociales.

Hace dos años, según las estadísticas de Unicef, la pobreza se situaba 70 millones y no entendemos qué sucede, pues en las últimas décadas América Latina y el Caribe habían podido disminuir la tasa de mortalidad materna y neonatal, lo que había ayudado a reducir los índices de pobreza e indigencia.

América Latina es la más desigual porque representa la más escandalosa concentración de la riqueza, bienes sociales, salud, educación y oportunidades. En este momento, la región pasa por un tiempo de incertidumbre, porque los gobiernos tienen que pensar cómo disminuir esas cifras y mejorar las oportunidades para los niños, niñas y adolescentes.

 Fuente: http://www.eltiempo.com/vida/educacion/asi-esta-el-panorama-de-la-ninez-en-america-latina-segun-unicef-251544
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EEUU: The US Is the Only Country That Routinely Sentences Children to Life in Prison Without Parole

América del Norte/EEUU/Junio 2016/Autor: Lisa Armstrong/ Fuente: The Intercept

ResumenEn junio de 2012, el Tribunal Supremo decidió -Miller versus Alabama- y prohibió el obligatorio uso de la «la vida juvenil sin libertad condicional» para menores.; en enero de 2016, la Corte decidió -en Montgomery versus Louisiana- que la sentencia Miller es retroactiva, por lo que incluso aquellos que fueron condenados como menores antes de 2012 son elegibles para la determinación de la pena. Bajo Miller, jueces aún pueden condenar a menores a cadena perpetua sin libertad condicional, siempre y cuando las circunstancias atenuantes – la edad del niño, ambiente familiar, el grado de participación en el delito, y el potencial para la rehabilitación – son considerados. 

It was a late summer morning when Robert “Fat Daddy” Taylor woke up, smoked two blunts, and decided to turn himself in. He’d been on the run for four days, and it seemed that everywhere he went in and around the 7 Mile neighborhood on the east side of Detroit, there were photos of him in stores, and people quick to call the police, to claim the $1,000 reward for finding him.

“The streets talk,” Taylor told me recently. “Everybody was telling me, ‘Yo, Fats, man, those boys trying to get you.’ I couldn’t go nowhere. [The police] was everywhere.”

Taylor was not afraid — after all, he was only a person of interest, not a suspect, in a murder that had taken place 15 days earlier, and he knew he had not committed the crime. Still, he was only 16, so he decided to seek the counsel of John McCoy, a 40-something-year-old neighborhood friend. McCoy assured Taylor that the police could not charge him, so Taylor continued walking along East Jefferson Avenue and made his way to the Beaubien police station. He was too young to conceive that this would essentially be his last day of freedom, that this simple act would lead to an arrest, then a life without parole sentence for a crime he insists he did not commit.

“I was 16 years old. I was still a young boy, still a puppy in the hood running reckless,” said Taylor, who is currently incarcerated at the Chippewa Correctional Facility in Kincheloe, Michigan, about 30 miles south of the Canadian border. “But [white people] see a person from the gutter, the ghetto, coming over there and killing one of theirs. There was no way they was ever going to let me go home.”

Taylor’s was a high-profile case. Prosecutors argued that on August 9, 2009, he and his co-defendant, Ihab Masalmani, who was then 17, robbed 21-year-old Matthew Landry after abducting him from an Eastpointe, Michigan, Quiznos restaurant. Masalmani then killed Landry in a burnt-out building in Detroit while, prosecutors said, Taylor stood by. In November 2010 and February 2011, Masalmani and Taylor were first sentenced to mandatory life without parole, a sentence that at the time was legal for minors.

In June 2012, the Supreme Court decided Miller v. Alabama and banned the use of mandatory life without parole sentences for juveniles; in January 2016, the Court decided in Montgomery v. Louisiana that the Miller ruling is retroactive, so even those who were sentenced as minors before 2012 are eligible for resentencing. Under Miller, judges can still sentence minors to life without parole as long as mitigating factors — the child’s age, home environment, extent of participation in the crime, and potential for rehabilitation — are considered. In the Miller ruling, Justice Elena Kagan wrote that given “children’s diminished culpability and heightened capacity for change,” life without parole sentences for minors should be “uncommon.” The Miller majority further states:

Although we do not foreclose a sentencer’s ability to make that judgment [life without parole] in homicide cases, we require it to take into account how children are different, and how those differences counsel against irrevocably sentencing them to a lifetime in prison … just as the chronological age of a minor is itself a relevant mitigating factor of great weight, so must the background and mental and emotional development of a youthful defendant be duly considered in assessing his culpability.

But in some states, judges are still giving juvenile life without parole (JLWOP) sentences on a fairly frequent basis. According to data collected by Phillips Black, a nonprofit law firm, 84 percent of all JLWOP sentences given between June 2012 and May 2015 were given in just four states: Louisiana, California, Florida, and Michigan. While Florida and California had the highest numbers — 28 and 26 JLWOP sentences respectively — Louisiana (21) and Michigan (17) had the highest numbers per capita. In these four states, some judges are using the very mitigating factors that are meant to be an argument against a life sentence as evidence that these juveniles cannot be rehabilitated, and should spend the rest of their lives in prison.

That’s exactly what happened to Taylor and Masalmani. In the fall of 2014, Judge Diane Druzinski of the Macomb County Circuit Court heard the mitigating factors in Taylor’s and Masalmani’s cases. Both were again sentenced to life without parole in January 2015.

The United States is the only country in the world that routinely sentences children to life in prison without parole, and, according to estimates from nonprofits and advocacy groups, there are between 2,300 and 2,500 people serving life without parole for crimes committed when they were minors. Two-thirds of those were sentenced in just five states: Louisiana, California, Florida, Pennsylvania, and Michigan. Ninety-seven percent of them are male, according to figures from the Sentencing Project, and 60 percent are black.

Although these young people have been charged and convicted of heinous crimes, advocates argue that they should not be sentenced to life in prison, because they can be rehabilitated and should not pay such a stiff penalty for crimes committed when they weren’t mature enough to truly understand the ramifications.

According to the National Institute of Mental Health, teenagers and young adults often act impulsively, without much consideration for consequences, because in teens “the parts of the brain involved in emotional responses are fully online, or even more active than in adults, while the parts of the brain involved in keeping emotional, impulsive responses in check are still reaching maturity.” The frontal cortex, the area of the brain that controls reasoning and decision-making, does not reach full development until around age 25, which is in part why the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, the American Bar Association, and other organizations have issued statements opposing JLWOP sentences, because they do not believe children should be held morally culpable in the same way adults are.

This does not mean, however, that minors should not take responsibility and face consequences for their actions. “This is about review, this isn’t guaranteeing that people will be released,” said Jody Kent Lavy, director of the Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth. “We’re advocating for periodic reviews to see whether they’ve changed and are prepared to be resentenced or come before a parole board and be released. We know that the vast majority of these young people age out of criminal behavior once they’ve matured and the brain stops developing at around age 25 and believe it is an appropriate time to check in on them and determine whether they can be released and returned to their communities as productive members of society.”

The other issue that plays a part in almost all JLWOP cases is childhood trauma. According to the Sentencing Project, 79 percent of minors sentenced to life without parole witnessed violence in their homes, and almost 50 percent experienced physical abuse. Eighteen percent were not living with a close adult relative at the time they were incarcerated, and were homeless, or living with friends or in group homes.

The details of Taylor’s childhood came out in court during his mitigation hearing. Taylor grew up primarily in 7 Mile, a neighborhood of stark contrasts: Nicely kept homes with baskets of pink flowers and wind chimes and American flags on front porches sit opposite defeated houses with shattered windows, vines enveloping their facades, and trees growing through them. It’s a neighborhood where gunshots, drugs, and death were a regular part of life.

Though Detroit police statistics show that the homicide rate has fallen from a high of 55 homicides per 100,000 residents in 2012 to 43 per 100,000 residents last year, Detroit as a whole is consistently ranked one of the most violent cities in the country.

During an interview at the prison, Taylor told me that he got his first gun, a 38-caliber revolver, when he was 12, and was shot in the back when he was 14.

We were seated at the back of the visiting room, farthest from the wall of windows that let in a stream of light from the late-afternoon sun. Taylor pulled up the sleeve of his blue and white button-down shirt to reveal a tattoo of the grim reaper on his left arm, which he got because, he said: “I felt like he was always hanging out over my neighborhood.”

Taylor’s father has been in prison for most of his life. His mother had her first child at 13 and raised Taylor and his five siblings primarily alone. Court documents state that Taylor grew up in an “unstable and unsafe” environment:

Wayne County neglect records reflected Robert’s mother had a long history of instability, that she often left the children without food and proper supervision. … There were previous complaints alleging physical neglect and physical abuse. Robert’s older brother, Demetrius Taylor … reported his mother was beaten by her boyfriends in front of the children and that on one occasion she was beaten with a pistol, her neck was broken and that her boyfriend attempted to set fire to the house when she and the children were at home.

“It was traumatizing, and it was scary,” Taylor said of his home environment. He was speaking in a low voice — he said he’s always been soft spoken, but was trying his best to ensure that the corrections officer at the other end of the visiting room wouldn’t hear. He said he didn’t want people to think ill of his mother. “There was no love there. I didn’t never feel like it was my home, even though I was living there.”

Taylor said that when he was 11, his mother pointed a gun at his head as a joke during an argument over a pair of sneakers. He left home and lived on his own, bouncing from one friend’s house to another.

Taylor is small — at the time of his arrest, he was only about 5-foot-6 and still had remnants of the early childhood pudginess that had earned him the name “Fat Daddy” from his grandmother. He often hung out with older men with whom he felt protected. Many were involved in criminal activity.

“This is what led me [to prison],” said Taylor. “This is what led to me hanging around people who I shouldn’t never have been around. I’m 12, 13 years old, and they thinking I’m like 20 because I’m out all night. This is what led me here — not having a stable condition at my house.”

Taylor’s mother, Rhonda, said that she has never owned a gun and would certainly never have pointed one at her son’s head. She said that while she struggled to raise her children pretty much on her own, working multiple jobs and having to move houses several times, she provided a stable environment for them. The children did sometimes stay at friends’ homes, but, she said, it was only for short periods of time.

“At some point, boys act out. So, when they get into it with they parents they want to storm out,” Rhonda said. “If I feel one of my kids disrespecting me, you got to leave. You got to do something with yourself because I’m not about to sit here and accept that from any of my kids in terms of disrespecting me.”

When Taylor was 12, he was charged with larceny for stealing a phone. He claims he didn’t steal the phone, but took the rap for a 17-year-old friend who had told him that since he was 12, he would only serve two or three months in a juvenile facility. Instead, he spent just over a year at various juvenile detention facilities. He was allowed to go home for periodic visits, but said his mother would pick him up, drop him off at home, and leave.

After Taylor was released, he continued to essentially live on his own. He said that while it was fairly easy to find places to sleep at night, it was still hard for him to fend for himself at such a young age. “It was actually kind of scary, man, not knowing when the next time you going to go eat or whatever, but I made a way.”

Though Taylor’s attorney, Jonathan Simon, used the unfortunate facts of Taylor’s life to ask the court for leniency, as stipulated in Miller, Judge Druzinski suggested they were proof that Taylor was unlikely to change. “The difficulty of defendant’s upbringing is the only factor which could be said to weigh in favor of an indeterminate sentence,” she ruled, “but this factor also suggests that defendant’s prospects for rehabilitation are minimal.”

The prosecutor, William Cataldo, implied during the mitigation hearing that Taylor needed to be in prison, where his life would have some order, as opposed to on the streets, where it had been so chaotic. When an expert witness, a counselor named Kathleen Schaefer, said that Taylor had matured, and that she could see that change from his level of introspection, Cataldo replied: “And this interview is taking place when he is in a structured environment, being told where to be, what to do, when to eat, and how to behave. That’s what prison is, isn’t it? … You haven’t met him when he’s out on the street having to live on his own and making his own way.”

The other issue in Taylor’s case as it pertains to the mitigating factors outlined in the Miller ruling was his level of involvement in the crime. Masalmani was the primary suspect, but prosecutors said that Taylor had been a lookout when Landry was abducted, and was with Masalmani from the time they left the Quiznos until the murder at 14711 Maddelein St. Taylor maintains that although he was present when Landry was kidnapped, he had no idea that Masalmani was going to rob and then shoot Landry, and was not in the house when Landry was killed.

It was sweltering that August afternoon — at 94 degrees, it was the hottest day that year — and Taylor and Masalmani rode their bikes to a nearby pool to swim. They didn’t have the money to pay the entrance fee and went to Quiznos at around 2:30 p.m. to get some water.

As they exited the Quiznos, according to Taylor, Masalmani told him to tackle Landry so that they could get his keys and steal his car. Taylor says he was more focused on fixing the chain on his bike, which had slipped, so when Landry came out, it was Masalmani who wrestled with Landry and forced him into the green Honda Accord.

“[Masalmani] got to doing his thing with the victim, but I did not put my hands on this guy, I did not carjack this guy, I did not take him from point A to point B,” said Taylor. “But I was dumb as hell; I jumped in the vehicle and we went back to the city.”

An eyewitness confirmed that it was Masalmani, not Taylor, who attacked Landry, but said that Taylor appeared to be the lookout. During the trial, a detective testified that on the day that Taylor turned himself in, he admitted that he had been the lookout; Taylor denies having done so.

Taylor said that as Masalmani drove back to Detroit, Landry seemed relatively calm as he sat in the passenger seat. He was listening to music and smoking cigarettes. Taylor was concerned, however. Masalmani was known to be erratic, and appeared to be on edge, as if he were high on drugs. Taylor also noticed that Masalmani had a gun sticking out of the waist of his pants. Taylor said that he sat quietly in the back seat.

Taylor said that it was not unusual to see Landry, a middle-class white man, being driven around the predominantly poor and African-American east side of Detroit by two young men of color. (Taylor is African-American and Masalmani is originally from the Middle East.) “Dope fiends come through that neck of the woods all the time and give little homeboys they cars to drive while they be smoking,” said Taylor. “So that’s not nothing un-normal that they ain’t never saw before. It was no reason for people to be like, ‘What’s going on?’”

The story of what happened once Landry, Masalmani, and Taylor got to 7 Mile varies. During the trial, Michael Sadur, who was incarcerated with Taylor in the maximum security unit at the Macomb County jail, testified that Taylor had confessed to him: “He said after they put [Landry] in the car, Ihab pulled out … a 40 caliber. And he drove away, heading to Detroit. … Mr. Landry was, he was like nausea, sick, smoking back to back, because he knew what time it was. They told him what time it was.” Sadur said Taylor told him that they had driven Landry directly to the abandoned house, where Masalmani then shot him. “[Taylor] said Ihab really didn’t care. He just turned around like nothing happened, and walk away. And told Taylor: ‘Come on. Let’s go spend some money or something.’”

Fredrick Singletone, an admitted crack addict, testified that he saw Taylor, Masalmani, and Landry at around 10 p.m. in a drug den at the corner of Maddelein and Monarch, where he was smoking crack. He said that Masalmani gave him money to purchase more crack, and that Taylor and Landry sat quietly on the sofa while everyone else got high.

Taylor and Masalmani maintain that they were never in that house, which is just steps away from the property where Landry’s body was found, and Taylor believes both Sadur and Singletone, who was also incarcerated at the time he testified, were coerced by law enforcement officials to make up their accounts, in return for reduced sentences. Sadur and Singletone, in their trial testimony, both denied they had made such a deal.

Taylor told me that he, Masalmani, and Landry drove the 3 miles directly from Eastpointe to 7 Mile, and when they got to Maddelein Street, Masalmani parked the car, and the three got out. Taylor was more at ease now that he was back in his neighborhood, and he talked with friends while Masalmani and Landry walked into 14711 Maddelein St. Taylor said he wasn’t keeping track of time, but Masalmani returned some time later, alone.

Until the late 19th century, the U.S. did not have an established juvenile justice system, and courts essentially treated children as adults. Then, the “child saver” movement advocated for a new system of criminal justice for children that would evaluate each individual child, and rehabilitate him in a home-like environment rather than simply punishing him. Robin Walker Sterling, a professor at the University of Denver’s Sturm College of Law, argues that this new system was designed for white children. Black children continued to be lynched and otherwise punished more harshly then their white counterparts. “In other words,” she writes in a paper, “black children were black before they were children, and were therefore exempt from the presumption that they were amenable to rehabilitation.”

In the 1990s, the notion of the “superpredator” — mainly black youth who were portrayed by the media and politicians as running wild, terrorizing law-abiding citizens — led to states moving minors into adult courts and giving them harsher sentences, including life without parole. Princeton political scientist John J. DiIulio warned that these superpredators were: “born of abject ‘moral poverty’ … it is the poverty of growing up surrounded by deviant, delinquent, and criminal adults in chaotic, dysfunctional, fatherless, Godless, and jobless settings where drug abuse and child abuse are twins, and self-respecting young men literally aspire to get away with murder.”

The fear was that without drastic methods, the number of violent crimes by minors would continue to rise. In 1996, first lady Hillary Clinton gave a speech in support of the 1994 Violent Crime Control Act, which provided for 100,000 new police officers, $9.7 billion in funding for prisons, and $6.1 billion in funding for prevention programs. She described these superpredator children as having: “No conscience, no empathy; we can talk about why they ended up that way, but first we have to bring them to heel.” (After being confronted by a protestor at a February 2016 presidential campaign event, Clinton apologized for this comment.)

While juvenile violent crime did increase at the beginning of the 1990s, it began to fall in the mid-1990s and reached record lows in the early 2000s. The superpredator theory was debunked, but many of the harsh juvenile sentences remained in place.

When Miller was decided in 2012, 28 states and the federal government had mandatory JLWOP and 15 allowed for discretionary JLWOP. Since Miller, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Massachusetts, Nevada, South Dakota, Texas, West Virginia, Wyoming, Vermont, and Utah have abolished JLWOP entirely.

In Michigan and in eight other states, 17-year-olds are still automatically tried as adults. (In recent months, both Michigan and Louisiana have taken up bills that would mandate the prosecution of 17-year-olds as minors.) Michigan law also imposes the same penalty on both those who actually commit homicides as well as on accessories, which is how many minors end up with JLWOP sentences. “We have this extremely broad homicide law which says aiding and abetting, felony murder, and premeditated first degree are all treated exactly the same,” said Deborah LaBelle, director of the ACLU’s Juvenile Life Without Parole Initiative.

LaBelle also said that the harsh sentencing practices mean that many judges are using mitigating factors against minors: “Instead of them seeing these matters as mitigating circumstances, the judges appear to be doing the exact opposite of what the Supreme Court said,” she said. “One, you don’t blame the child for this, these are mitigating circumstances, and two, you are not a prophet. You cannot tell at the front end whether or not a child can be rehabilitated down the line.”

When Juwan Wickware was sentenced in the murder of a pizza delivery man in Flint, Michigan, that occurred when Wickware was 16, the judge used the hardships Wickware had experienced against him. Wickware was not the shooter, but received a life without parole sentence in August 2013, and was the first minor to be sentenced to life without parole in Michigan after Miller.

Like Taylor, Wickware moved frequently as a child and his mother had to raise him alone because his father was incarcerated. He and his siblings were removed from their home by child protective services at a time when their mother was unemployed and did not have a permanent home. When he was 14, Wickware, who was deemed functionally illiterate during his mitigation hearing, was suspended from school for 120 days. He started hanging out on the streets with older gang members and, because he was small for his age — just 5-foot-5 and slight — he felt he needed a gun to protect himself.

At the sentencing, Judge Archie Hayman said of Wickware: “I think his family failed him first. And I think, secondly, the school may have failed him. And then I think, thirdly, possibly society as a whole has failed him to some extent. … I think his family life has been chaotic; it’s been unstable. I think it unfortunately has put him in a position where he is not socially developed and lacks the social skills to be in society.”

But Wickware changed in prison. The boy who was reading at a third-grade level when he went into prison earned his GED. He has worked on curbing his anger, and doesn’t swear as much as he used to. He was eventually resentenced, but his earliest release date is March 28, 2042.

“When I first came [to prison], my goal was to get myself right. Every day I wake up, I have to have an accomplishment,” he said during an interview at the St. Louis Correctional Facility. “I’m stronger now. I’m a man now. It’s over for all that kid stuff.”

One of the things that struck people most during Ihab Masalmani’s trial was his behavior and apparent lack of remorse. He laughed at times and spat on the floor. Even his own attorney described him as “feral.” Back then, Masalmani’s lawyers insisted that he had not killed Landry. Now, Masalmani, who is serving his life sentence at the G. Robert Cotton Correctional Facility, about 40 miles south of Lansing, says that he did commit the murder, and that Taylor did not know that he was going to kill Landry and was not present when he did.

From just his voice alone, Masalmani seems to be easygoing, self-assured. He is matter of fact about everything, from the details of the crime to those of his tumultuous childhood.

He told me during a phone interview that he is telling the truth now because he has done some soul searching in prison, and has been reading books on emotional intelligence and psychology in order to better understand himself. “By me learning what I’m learning now is really what led to me feeling like it’s injustice on my co-defendant’s behalf to be locked up for something that he didn’t even do and had no conspiracy to doing,” Masalmani said. “I feel like the system railroaded both of us, but he got it the worst for the simple fact that he’s sitting in here for something he didn’t participate in or had no knowledge of what it was leading to.”

When Masalmani was 8, his mother sent him and his sister by themselves from Lebanon to Florida. The children were held in an immigration detention center and when they were released, went to live with an uncle, who Masalmani said sexually abused his sister. His sister was eventually deported, and Masalmani moved from one foster home to another. In one home, according to court documents, his foster mother used marijuana and had sex in his presence. Masalmani told me that he struggled in school, in part because he didn’t speak English when he came to the U.S.

Masalmani said he told Taylor to tackle Landry as he exited the Quiznos, so that they could steal his car. But, he said, “[Taylor] never went through with that. Everything else that happened after that was something that I was coming up with as it went along. [Taylor] just played along. He just was there. He didn’t know that I was going to do that to that man — drive to a vacant house and kill him. He didn’t know none of that.”

Masalmani said that even though he showed Landry his gun, he was able to put him at ease. “I made everybody feel as though everything was going to be OK,” he said. “I’m assuming Matt Landry thought that too. I’m telling him like, ‘We’re just going to use this car and give it back to you and let you go.’”

But as he drove, Masalmani realized that he could not just let Landry go, as he had seen his and Taylor’s faces, and would likely report them to the police. Masalmani did not tell Taylor what he was thinking, and was making decisions moment to moment. Though Taylor maintains he was never left alone with Landry, Masalmani said that he left Taylor and Landry in the car when he went to an ATM to withdraw money using Landry’s debit card. Then, he drove to the burnt-out house on Maddelein Street. The three men got out of the car. Masalmani said that he told Taylor to go back to the car while he went inside with Landry. There, he made Landry turn, and shot him in the back of the head.

This is the image that haunts Matthew Landry’s mother, Doreen. “The image of them walking Matthew from one house into another house, putting him on his knees, putting a gun to the back of his head, shooting him, is an image that wakes me up in the middle of the night in a panic,” she said, right after Masalmani and Taylor were resentenced. “I have to live with that. That’s my life sentence. And there’s nothing that’s going to lighten that for me, so why should their sentence be lightened?”

Jody Robinson, president of the National Organization of Victims of Juvenile Murderers, believes that victims’ families need the closure that comes with a life without parole sentence, even in the cases of minors. Without it, families are forced to relive the horror of their loved ones’ murders with each parole hearing. “When you’re talking about having a loved one ripped from you, you go in there and you’re seeking justice,” said Robinson, whose brother James was killed by a teen in 1990. “A life without parole sentence ensures that when you walk out of court, once you’re through the appeals process, you can put this behind you, at least the legal aspect of it, and you can work on your life, and healing.”

Judges are elected in Michigan, and advocates say they feel pressure from victims’ families and the public to give the harshest sentences possible, particularly in high-profile cases.

Judge Fred Mester sat on the Oakland County, Michigan, bench for 27 years, and during that time sentenced juveniles to life without parole. “I was caught up in the same idea that you do the crime, you do the time,” Mester told me. “That is, if you do an adult crime — that is a physical assault, a sexual assault, or murder — that you must do the time of whatever the maximum sentence would be.” Mester takes issue, however, with the way sentencing guidelines changed in the 1970s and 1980s, with a move from individual justice — “You look at the victim, you look at the crime, you look at the defendant, and come up with what you believe would be a fair sentence” — to mandatory sentences that left judges with few options.

Such was the case with Jennifer Pruitt, whom Mester sentenced to life without parole in 1993 for a crime committed when she was 16. Mester had two options — he could have had Pruitt tried as a juvenile, which meant she would have been held just until her 21st birthday if found guilty, or he could have had her tried as an adult, facing a mandatory life sentence. Even though Pruitt had not been the one to actually commit the murder, Mester felt that incarcerating her for just a few years as a juvenile would have been too lenient.

After hearing about the sexual abuse Pruitt suffered in prison, and also seeing how she had matured, and was acting as a mentor and advocate for other women, Mester has now become an advocate himself, pushing for judges to follow the Miller guidelines and return the focus to “individual justice and rehabilitation.”

The problem is that many judges are still giving life without parole sentences because they’re simply used to handing out mandatory life sentences for certain crimes. “As a judge you become so used to these violent acts and you think the best way, or the only way, is ‘I have to keep you away from the rest of society, not even to punish, but to protect those people who aren’t criminals,’” said Judge Stephen Borrello, of the Michigan Court of Appeals, in a recent phone interview.

The other issue is that although it’s been almost four years since the Miller ruling, some judges, prosecutors, and even public defenders don’t know about Miller. Advocates say that because minors facing life without parole sentences have been transferred to adult courts, they are sometimes assigned public defenders who do not know much about adolescent brain development, the details of Miller, and the need or requirements for a mitigation hearing.

But the biggest issue is rehabilitation. Even if judges see potential for rehabilitation, there is no guarantee that minors will receive the counseling, education, and other services they need in prison in order to truly change. “It’s very rare that we see people who are actually rehabilitated by the prison system,” said Borrello. “The only thing we know how to do, that we’re really good at, is locking them up. It costs a lot of money to actually rehabilitate somebody. It costs a lot of money to give somebody an education.”

Both Taylor and Masalmani say that they haven’t had access to adequate psychosocial services in prison. Taylor has tried to take a number of classes, including a violent offenders program, “Cage Your Rage,” and a substance abuse course, even though he says he doesn’t have a substance abuse problem. He is on waiting lists for these courses that are two to three years long.

“They have to put those guys in them classes with shorter out dates or out dates period. They put them in there first,” Taylor said. “So the only thing for me to do while I’m in here is get in trouble. So I got to be strong enough to remain focused on getting up out of here because I’m set up for failure.”

Taylor did not show much emotion either time the judge delivered his life without parole sentence. But inside, he told me, he felt “every feeling in the world except happy. I was mad. I was angry, frustrated. I was actually angry at myself. I was angry at my attorney.” Taylor believes his case was mishandled from beginning to end. When he turned himself in, he was questioned without the presence of an adult relative or a lawyer. Detective Steven Sellers testified that they could not find Taylor’s mother. Taylor told me he was scared and said things out of fear that were later used against him. Detective Sellers confirmed that during the interrogation he told Taylor that he would never see daylight again and he would be imprisoned for life if he didn’t cooperate. Both Taylor and his mother say that his initial attorney, Louis Zaidan, fell asleep numerous times during the trial. Zaidan did not respond to requests for an interview.

But the biggest injustice for Taylor is that he is in prison for a crime that Masalmani has admitted to, and has said Taylor knew nothing about. Taylor believes that the truth is irrelevant to the prosecutor and judge, because they were focused solely on getting a conviction. He also feels that because Masalmani was the main suspect, no one, including his lawyer, really paid much attention to what was happening in his case. “The case is not really about me. It’s about him,” says Taylor. “I was just a string-along. They don’t really care about me.”

During Masalmani’s resentencing hearing, his attorney, Valerie Newman, presented his confession to the court as evidence that he had matured in prison, but also in the hopes that it would lessen Taylor’s sentence. Judge Druzinski and the prosecutor declined requests for an interview, but given that Taylor and Masalmani were both resentenced to life, it appears that Masalmani’s confession had little impact.

“Judges are focusing on the crime, and that’s not what Miller is about,” says Newman. “These are all bad crimes. We know that. What we’re doing is looking at whether or not someone is irreparably corrupt, or whether they have potential for rehabilitation.”

When he was initially sentenced, Taylor apologized to Landry’s family, not as an admission of guilt, but because “[Landry] lost his life for something that was not necessary.” Taylor’s mother also expressed her condolences to the Landry family.

Masalmani has also wanted to reach out to the Landrys, though he says his words and actions would do little to ease their pain, but his lawyer has advised him not to. Newman also wanted to contact the Landry family as well, after Masalmani’s hearing. “I’m a big believer in restorative justice and I think these folks have got to be in tremendous pain, and sitting through that hearing had to have been tremendously difficult,” she said. “I just wanted to let them know that I feel their pain. Criminal defense attorneys are not heartless people. I would like them to understand that this is in no way meant as a disservice to Matt Landry’s life.”

For now, Taylor and Masalmani are appealing their resentencing, but there is also a case, People v. Skinner, which could affect theirs and other Michigan JLWOP cases.

In August 2015, Judge Borrello heard the appeal of Tia Skinner, who was sentenced to life without parole for a crime committed when she was 17. He ruled that based on the Sixth Amendment, a jury, not the judge, should determine whether a minor’s crime is evidence of “irreparable corruption” warranting a life without parole sentence. The case is now with the Michigan Supreme Court.

Taylor is hopeful that he will one day be released. He says that it isn’t that he’s oblivious to reality, just that what you put your mind to is what manifests, so he doesn’t like to focus too much on the fact that he is currently in prison for the rest of his life. Still, he doesn’t tell people that he thinks that one day he’ll be released. “Having hope is a sign of weakness,” he said. “I got a lot of time. You don’t want to be soft in here.”

Taylor sticks to himself, to stay out of trouble, and spends much of his time listening to and writing music. When he is released from prison, he plans to leave Michigan, perhaps go to Florida, perhaps New York, to pursue his music career. He hopes to be a successful rapper.

“There is nothing, nothing, that can bring me down. Nothing can stop me from having hope of anything that I’m putting my mind into. Nothing,” he said. “I don’t care if you tell me no a million times. I’m going to still be like, yeah, whatever. They got to bury me with that.”

Fuente de la noticia: http://readersupportednews.org/news-section2/318-66/37242-the-us-is-the-only-country-that-routinely-sentences-children-to-life-in-prison-without-parole

Fuente de la imagen: http://readersupportednews.org/images/stories/article_imgs21/021299-prison-060316.jpg

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