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Suecia: Supplemental education: the key to integration

TheLocal/31 de marzo de 2016

Resumen: Miles de extranjeros con formación en docencia han llegado a Suecia en los últimos años y aunque en su gran mayoría son estudiados, quedan atascados al no conseguir trabajo. Muchos de ellos han viajado a este país sin tener otra elección. Los inmigrantes llegan al país desconociendo que existe un programa de educación complementaria para extranjeros en las escuelas primarias locales. El programa es conocido en sueco como lärares Utländska vidareutbildning (a menudo abreviado como «ULV»), que se podría traducir como «la educación gratuita para los profesores extranjeros». El ULV se ofrece en varias universidades en toda Suecia, incluyendo las universidades de Estocolmo, Malmö, Linköping y Göteborg. Está diseñado para aquellos que ya tienen una licencia de enseñanza de otro país. Dicho curso está se ofrece en sueco y los solicitantes deben tener un permiso de
residencia y nivel de secundaria habilidades en la lengua sueca, sin embargo, con esos requisitos previos, se hace mucho más fácil a los profesores formados en el extranjero entrar en el mercado laboral sueco, en un nivel apropiado para las habilidades y la educación que ya tienen. El reto más grande, que deben sopesar, los profesores extranjeros, es sin duda el idioma. Los participantes del programa aprenden acerca de lo que se siente al ser un maestro en
Suecia, el plan de estudios, la cultura, las reglas, y cómo manejar a los estudiantes; luego se les concede la oportunidad de probarlo en una escuela sueca. Actualmente, el programa se ha convertido en un aspecto esencial para comprender el sistema escolar sueco, ya existen algunos programas en Suecia ahora para la formación de médicos extranjeros, maestros, dentistas, enfermeras e incluso abogados. La desventaja o dificultad que afronta el programa tiene que ver con la información y divulgación que se hace a éste, debido a que muchos refugiados y extranjeros en Suecia no saben que este tipo de formación especializada está disponible.

Housands of highly-educated foreigners have come to Sweden in recent years – and many end up jobless. But the solution is simple. The Local speaks to an Iraqi teacher about the journey from refugee to integrated professional in Sweden.

Evan Albadry didn’t really plan on moving to Sweden. He didn’t have much of a choice.

“Our religious group, the Mandaeans, was prosecuted in Iraq, and we had cousins in Sweden,” he says.

When he arrived in October 2006, there weren’t many options available to him, and he started learning Swedish right away.

But Albadry, who had been a researcher and professor in Iraq, didn’t get his life as a working professional back for another five years.

“When you study SFI the employment agency requests that you do an internship,” Albadry tells The Local in flawless Swedish. “I applied for an internship at a local elementary school, and it was there – totally by chance – that I found out about the supplementary education programmes for foreigners.”

One of his friends from SFI had seen a flyer for the programme. Prior to that, Albadry didn’t even know such programmes existed.

The programme is known in Swedish as Utländska lärares vidareutbildning (often shortened to ‘ULV’), which translates roughly to «complimentary education for foreign teachers».

ULV is offered at several universities throughout Sweden, including the universities in Stockholm, Malmö, Linköping, and Gothenburg. It’s designed for those who already have a teaching license from another country.

The course is given in Swedish and applicants must have a residence permit and high school level skills in the Swedish language – but with those prerequisites in order, it makes it much easier for foreign-trained teachers to enter the Swedish labour market, at a level appropriate for the skills and education they already have.

”It’s challenging at first, especially with the language,” Albadry says. “But it gets easier and easier with time.”

Albadry studied day and night to get through. Participants in the programme learn about what it’s like to be a teacher in Sweden, the curriculum, the culture, the rules, and how to handle students – and then they are granted the opportunity to try it out at a Swedish school.

“I had an 11-week internship while also studying, so I actually got to go into schools and see what it’s like,” he says. “It was tough and intense, but great. After that you have what you need. You know the rules, you know your rights, and you know how to interact with students.”

The programme worked wonders for Albadry, who has been working as a teacher in Sweden since 2011.

“It’s really a perfect programme,” he says. “You need to understand the Swedish school system so of course you can’t start working in schools immediately, no matter what your background is.”

But why aren’t more newcomers enrolled in such programmes?

“The problem today is that no one knows education levels of the new arrivals in Sweden,” says Pär Karlsson at the Swedish Confederation of Professional Associations (Saco).

The association has been a champion in the debate about foreign academics, previously calling on the government to view immigrants as a priceless investment.

“We’ve suggested that the Migration Board document people’s educational background during the asylum seeking process,” he says. “If they did that, and if we knew refugees’ educational background and work experience right away, then we can start getting them established even during the asylum process. It would be much quicker.”

It certainly would have simplified the process for Albadry. When he first applied for the course at Stockholm University, he wasn’t accepted because his qualifications were “unclear”.

“They claimed I didn’t get in because I hadn’t been a teacher in my home country – I had been researching,” he explains. “But I had documentation showing that I had been a teacher there for six years.”

Eventually it did work out and his documentation was accepted, and Albadry began the programme. But it would have been much simpler if his education and experience had been in the Swedish “system” from the beginning.

Supplementing a foreign doctor’s training so they are able to work in the Swedish market costs just one-tenth the price of educating a Swede from scratch, Karlsson notes. And there are a few programmes in Sweden now for training foreign doctors, teachers, dentists, nurses, and even lawyers – but not nearly enough.

The teachers’ programme at Stockholm University, for instance, launched as a government initiative in 2007, and since then some 1,500 people from 90 countries have enrolled. But there could be many more, not just in the teaching sector, but in many areas. Only 100 -150 spots are available in the course each year.

«It’s a huge waste of resources,» Karlsson remarks. «Only 70 million kronor was spent on additional higher education programmes for educated foreigners in 2014 – giving only a fraction of them the chance of completing their studies, so they can work in the field that they are trained in here in Sweden.»

Last year the Swedish government announced it would be adding spots to many such programmes, but there was no mention of creating similar programmes for neglected employment sectors – something which Saco has criticized.

Albadry adds that another issue is simply communication: many refugees and foreigners in Sweden don’t even know that this type of specialised training is available.

“I do think it’s gotten a bit better since I started,” he says. “And I personally am one of those people who spreads everything. I tell all my friends and other immigrants about these opportunities.”

But supplementary education and specialised Swedish courses should be something that immigrants are informed of when they first arrive, he says.

Karlsson agrees.

In last autumn’s budget bill the Swedish government proposed increasing funding for helping refugees integrate by some 50 percent, from 83,100 kronor per person/year to 125,000 kronor. It’s a step in the right direction, Karlsson says – but not enough. Integration needs to start from day one, when asylum seekers register.

“If the Migration Board took note of their education and work experience it would also make it easier to give them targeted information about career-specific SFI classes and education programmes,” he says. “The government has to put more resources into this sector.”

In one of the ULV programme’s polls the organization discovered that almost half of the students in the teachers’ programme at Stockholm University had been in Sweden for more than five years before they found out about the programme.

And the majority of the participants, like Albadry, «just so happened» to find out through contacts or coincidence – not through an official source such as SFI or the Swedish Public Employment Service (Arbetsförmedlingen).

«We have to make an effort to get these people into education programmes as soon as possible after arriving in Sweden,» Karlsson says. «It’s not just a huge asset for us, but it’s a motivation factor for them, knowing that they can continue working in their profession in the future. It’s good for everybody.»

 

Fuente:

www.thelocal.se/20160331/supplemental-education-the-key-to-integration-saco-ulv-tlccu

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EE.UU: Academics Assail N.C. Law That Limits Protections for LGBT People

TheChronicleOfHigherEducation/28 de marzo de 2016/Por: Andy Thomason

Resumen: Una nueva polémica se ha desatado en las universidades de Carolina del Norte, en relación a una ley denominada HB2, la cual viola la enmienda 14 de la Constitución de Estados Unidos, al negar algunos derechos de los homosexuales y transgénero. Sin embargo, la semana pasada los legisladores de Carolina del Norte se reunieron en la sección espacial para aprobar la legislación de amplio alcance, en donde las empresas no pueden tomar medidas legales ante la discriminación en la contratación de personas homosexuales o transgénero. La HB2 fue motivada por una ordenanza aprobada en la ciudad más poblada del estado, Charlotte. El gobernador McCroy ha tratado de desacreditar las críticas de la ley, diciendo, por ejemplo, que no elimina las protecciones para los residentes de Carolina del Norte. Los críticos han dicho que las garantías son claramente falsas. La demanda presentada ante el tribunal federal fue realizada por unos empleados transgénero y homosexuales en la Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill. La demanda en contra de la HB2 fue motivada el trato que en ella se expresa para las personas transgénero y homosexuales, al despojarlas de la protección otorgada por la Ciudad de la Ordenanza de Charlotte, la cual se opone a que cualquier gobierno local adopte medidas para proteger a las personas contra la discriminación. Por tanto, esta ley hará más difícil para el campus atraer a los mejores profesores, estudiantes y personal en general. La comunidad deplora la negación a cualquier persona a la protección de la ley debido a su orientación sexual o identidad de género.

Organized opposition to a controversial new law in North Carolina is taking shape, and university students and faculty and staff members are playing a leading role.

On Monday, three individuals, all of whom work for or attend North Carolina colleges, and two advocacy groups sued the state over the law, known as House Bill 2, alleging it violates the 14th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution by denying gay and transgender people equal rights.

Last week, North Carolina lawmakers gathered in special section to pass the sweeping legislation, which, among other things, forbids cities and counties from passing ordinances that extend protections to gay and transgender people. As a consequence, critics of the law say, cities like Greensboro or Raleigh cannot take legal steps to, say, prevent businesses from discriminating against gay customers or employees.

House Bill 2 was prompted by an ordinance passed in the state’s most populous city, Charlotte, that allowed transgender people to choose the public restroom consistent with their gender identity, rather than their gender at birth. After the bill was passed and signed by Gov. Pat McCrory, Charlotte’s mayor, Jennifer Roberts, called it “literally the most anti-LGBT legislation in the country.”

Governor McCrory has sought to debunk criticism of the law, saying, for instance, that it does not remove protections for any North Carolina residents. Critics have said assurances like that are patently false.

Organized Opposition

The three individual plaintiffs in the lawsuit, filed on Monday in a federal court, are Joaquín Carcaño, a transgender employee at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Payton Grey McGarry, a transgender student at UNC’s Greensboro campus; and Angela Gilmore, a lesbian who is a professor and an associate dean at North Carolina Central University School of Law. The American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina and the nonprofit group Equality North Carolina are also plaintiffs.

“H.B. 2 was motivated by an intent to treat LGBT people differently, and worse, than other people,” the lawsuit reads, in part, “including by stripping them of the protections afforded by the City of Charlotte’s Ordinance and precluding any local government from taking action to protect LGBT people against discrimination.”

Also on Monday, more than 50 Chapel Hill faculty members released a statement on Facebook condemning the law. (The statement clarified that professors were not speaking for the university.)

“The recently passed House Bill 2 makes it impossible for UNC-Chapel Hill and its surrounding communities to protect valued faculty, staff, and students from discrimination simply because of who they are,” the statement reads, adding that the law will make it difficult for the campus to attract the best professors, students, and staff.

According to the organization Campus Pride, Duke University was the first institution to issue a statement on the law, saying, “We deplore any effort to deny any person the protection of the law because of sexual orientation or gender identity.” Here is a partial collection of university statements.

On Saturday, the president of the NCAA, Mark Emmert, said he had spoken with Governor McCrory, and told him the association was committed to fostering an “inclusive” environment at sporting events. He added that he did not threaten to cancel any events scheduled to take place in North Carolina.

Fuente: http://chronicle.com/blogs/ticker/academics-assail-n-c-law-that-limits-protections-for-lgbt-people/109842

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Yale Is Depriving Graduate Students of Their Rights

Yale está privando a estudiantes graduados de sus derechos

The Nation. Instigating Progress Daily/03-18-2016/Por Michelle Chen

Resumen: La universidad neoliberal pone énfasis en el poder corporativo en
lugar de la libre investigación, es por ello, que los miembros de la
Organización de empleados y estudiantes entregaron una petición a las
autoridades de la Universidad de Yale durante una protesta llevada a cabo
en el campus de New Haven, Connectitcut, para exigir la elección sindical,
con la que aspiran gozar de los beneficios: guarderías asequibles (las
guarderías presentes en el campus cobran honorarios que ascienden a dos
tercios del salario de un investigador graduado), tratamiento de igualdad
de género y diversidad racial en la contratación; la compensación salarial
equitativa, la financiación de becas para la investigación, garantía en los
pagos de salarios y mejores servicios de salud mental, desestabilización de
la fuerza laboral docente, compensación equitativa y financiación de becas,
servicios de salud mental. Beneficios que han venido siendo boicoteados por
las grandes corporaciones que manejan la Universidad, las cuales han
orientado a la educación superior hacia la reproducción de la fuerza
corporativa en vez de una verdadera investigación libre, amenazando a los
programas de postgrado por un lado con la mercantilización de la educación
superior y, por otro, las justas reivindicaciones de los empleados.

 

Yale’s epic labor battle between graduate student employees and the
administration has cycled through a generation of graduating classes and
many doctoral candidacies, and graduate student organizers have finally
officially named their union Local 33. A jubilant chartering convention last
week in New Haven certified that an overwhelming majority of the proposed
unit have signed cards signifying support for unionization. The move puts
an official seal (blessed by a number of state officials and the union
leadership) on the more than 1,000 signatures the group gathered for a
petition demanding a fair union election last year.

Graduate Employees and Students Organization (GESO)
chair Aaron Greenberg said that the formal naming of Local 33 shows it is ready to unionize with or without
an official nod from the administration, and hope to spur the debate
forward by taking the initiative, symbolic though it may be:

“We are not going to wait for Yale to give us an election to act like and
be the union that we are,” he tells *The Nation*. “And I think a lot of the
issues that we are fighting about, whether it’s access to childcare,
adequate mental healthcare, race and gender equity, security of pay. These
are issues that are not going to wait for us to have a union. These are
really pressing for our members. And we’re ready to fight on them.”

The chartering of the local doesn’t
seem to have changed the administration’s position. However, a spokesperson
for Yale says via email that it would respect the traditional secret ballot
process, overseen by the National Labor Relations Board, and “officially
branding GESO as Local 33 is not perceived at Yale as anything new or
different, and it has no effect on the status of graduate students.”

As a legal matter, GESO’s institutional power and legal status remains
tenuous without any official recognition of the union from the university.
Under the precedent of “Brown II,” the NLRB has suppressed graduate labor organizing with a blanket denial of
collective bargaining rights at private higher education institutions. The
2004 ruling thus left union recognition at the employer’s discretion,
handing the mega-corporations that run Yale and other campuses wide
latitude to ignore the growing clamor for union representation among
graduate assistants and researchers.

But soon Yale (where the author was once an undergraduate) may have no
choice but to come to the bargaining table with Local 33, because, as were
ported last year, the graduate worker unions at Columbia University and the New School
have taken their demand for a union to the NLRB in Washington to secure their union rights and overturn
Brown. They’re backed by many labor unions and other graduate workers
—including those at public universities, where unionization is governed under separate
state labor laws, and the new UAW graduate workers union
at New York University.

 

Over the past decade, one could say the NLRB stranglehold has worked
exactly as the victors intended: On the neoliberal campus, working
conditions have grown more precarious, and higher education in general has oriented toward the reproduction of corporate power rather than genuine free inquiry. Educational borrowing has soared,
with typical 2014 debt loads for graduate-level students ballooning
to about $57,600, the bulk of it from graduate programs. As for paying off
that debt through an academic career, decent-paying, tenure-track positions
are perilously scarce, while the destabilization of the workforce shunts
former teaching assistants into an expanding underclass of underpaid
adjuncts. All these stressors are compounded by competitive and alienating campus
climates that often offer inadequate mental health and social supports.

University administrators argue that collective bargaining,
and the adversarial labor-management relationship, would undermine
conventional scholarly pedagogical relationships. Yale (though GESO is not
participating directly in the NLRB case) similarly contends that
graduates don’t need a union, since they are already compensated generously
and can address labor-related issues through administrative channels.

Graduate student labor advocates, however, say this romanticized logic
ignores real power relationships in the graduate workforce. In its recent
reply brief , the Columbia Graduate Workers union argues, “the supporters of Brown represent
the viewpoint of executives and administrators who…have seized upon
imagined threats to academic freedom and to mentoring relationships to deny
bargaining rights to their employees.” Meanwhile, the growing tendency for
under-resourced departments to exploit graduates, coupled with
inadequate labor protections, in turn constrain and distort their
relationship to the surrounding academic community. After all, it’s difficult to immerse
yourself in the inspired practice of intellectual apprenticeship when
working a night-shift restaurant job, teaching undergraduate courses on an
erratic schedule, and researching your thesis, while living off food stamps under
a life time of debt. Yale’s GESO has presented a multipronged agenda
focused on both academic and labor
issues. While demanding more equitable compensation and secure fellowship funding,
graduates have also criticized gaps in mental health services, which they
say are fraught with “long wait times and inadequate options for treatment”
for the estimated half of graduate students who seek help. They’re also
calling for affordable childcare, noting that “current on-campus daycares
charge fees that amount to two-thirds of a graduate researcher’s pay.” GESO
is also campaigning around issues of gender and racial diversity in hiring.

A quarter-century after Yale graduate students
kick-started the incipient labor group, TA Solidarity, campus organizing has blossomed in many forms across
campuses nationwide, including unionization drives for non-tenure-track
faculty (who currently make up the majority of the academic workforce) at public and
private institutions, from large state schools to underfunded historically
black colleges. Undergraduates are rallying with the Fight for 15 for
campus workers, both students and locals. And with national campaigns like the SEIU-backed
Faculty Forward, an emergent coalition of faculty, students and staff are
sparking critical conversations on how academic labor fits in the “new
economy,” and how to resist the corporatization of higher education, in theory—by protecting their
right to free inquiry—and in practice—by ensuring their rights at work are
respected.

So the graduate workers now going before the NLRB are inking one footnote
in a new chapter of educational activism—not just disrupting the ivory
tower, but reclaiming their campus.

Fuente de la noticia e imagen:
www.thenation.com/article/yale-is-depriving-graduate-students-of-their-rights/

 

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Escuelas en Finlandia

Rosa María Torres

Finlandia 1

Foto: Rosa María Torres

 

Siempre que visito escuelas, hay tres cosas que insisto en ver: los baños, los patios y las salas de profesores. Todos ellos dicen mucho acerca de la escuela y de la calidad de educación que ofrece.

Mi pedido suele causar estupor. Directores, profesores y estudiantes esperan que el visitante quiera ver las aulas, no los baños; quiera ver clases, no recreos; interactúe con los profesores en los espacios habilitados para las visitas, no en aquellos considerados parte del «puertas adentro» de la escuela.

Incursionar en estos ámbitos me trae muchas sorpresas. Baños, patios y salas de profesores precarios, descuidados y hasta inexistentes. En un baño en escuela ecológica en México casi me infarto. En los patios veo a menudo violencias, maltratos, soledades, tristezas. En muchas salas de profesores he confirmado el poco valor que se da a los docentes, a su tarea, a su descanso, al trabajo en equipo.

En Finlandia, obviamente, no iba a hacer excepciones. Desda la primera escuela que visité, me preparé para pedir ver la sala de profesores. Si tanto se valora a los profesores en la cultura finlandesa, seguro encontraría espacios docentes a la altura.

No tuve que pedirlo. La profesora encargada de atenderme me dijo que había que esperar un rato para entrar a una clase y que, si quería, podía esperar en la sala de profesores. Estaban reunidos en ese momento, pero podría sentarme y tomar un café.

Finlandia 2

Foto: Rosa María Torres

■ Así pues, lo primero que ví en mi visita de estudio en Finlandia, y sin tener que pedirlo, fue una sala de profesores en una escuela primaria en Helsinki. Una veintena de profesores estaban enfrascados en una reunión de trabajo, sentados alrededor de una mesa, en una habitación cómoda, bien iluminada. Yo, sin entender una palabra, observando, escuchando y tomando notas desde una pequeña habitación contigua, conectada a la sala principal.

 

Finlandia 3

Foto: Rosa María Torres

■ En una escuela de práctica docente, también en Helsinki, el recorrido que me hizo la directora incluyó varias estaciones incrustadas en los distintos departamentos. Son pequeños centros de recursos que sirven al mismo tiempo de espacios de trabajo y descanso de los profesores de cada uno de esos departamentos. Pasamos por las estaciones de Matemáticas y de Informática, ambas equipadas con sofá, mesas y sillas, laptops y otros implementos de trabajo.

■ En una escuela semi-urbana en la zona de Espoo, fuera de Helsinki, construida hace más de veinte años, la directora me invitó a conversar en su oficina después de la visita. La oficina quedaba junto a la sala de profesores, ambas situadas en el segundo piso, con amplios ventanales y vista al bosque y a los niños que juegan afuera durante los recreos.

FInlandia 4

Foto: Rosa María Torres

Finlandia 5

Foto: Rosa María Torres

Encontré aquí la sala de profesores más acogedora y bien equipada que he visto jamás en un plantel público. Una mesa de reuniones con una pizarra blanca grande. Como complemento, una suerte de living, con sofá, sillones, mesas, plantas, libros y una pantalla grande de televisión. Y un cuarto de cocina en el que hay entre otros una máquina dispensadora de café y una heladera.

Los profesores vienen aquí a conversar, a leer, a trabajar, a descansar, a tomar un café, a reunirse con otros profesores.

Cuando estaba por irme, empezaron a llegar varios a la sala. Era el cumpleaños de alguien y se aprestaban a celebrar con pastel y con velas. La directora me invitó a quedarme pero me excusé. Debía tomar el ómnibus de regreso a Helsinki antes de que oscureciera, alrededor de las 5 de la tarde en esta época del año.

Una cosa más en que Finlandia no me defraudó. Seguramente hay planteles con salas de profesores mucho menos atractivas que las que ví en esta visita de estudio. Pero me quedó claro que cada plantel tiene al menos una y que se utilizan. El contacto, la colaboración y el inter-aprendizaje entre profesores es un aspecto esencial de la educación finlandesa y del profesionalismo docente en este país. La arquitectura y el tiempo escolar honran y facilitan ese contacto y esa colaboración.

Hay que contarles a los políticos latinoamericanos, que tan a menudo hablan de valorización y de profesionalismo docente pero se olvidan de los profesores y de sus necesidades cuando planifican, construyen y equipan escuelas.

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