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Toward Racial, Economic and Social Justice

The Slaughter-Bench of Race

It seems that it is an everlasting open hunting season in the United States and the kills are Black men. The senseless killing of unarmed Black young man Michael Brown by a White police officer and the grand jury’s decision to allow the officer to walk without facing a trial through a faltering prosecutorial process (that aims to defend when the target of indictment is a police officer) has brought Ferguson, Missouri, and other communities across the country to their feet in loud and incendiary protest.

Approximately 50 protesters on a 120-mile march from Ferguson to Jefferson City decrying the shooting death of Brown were met with counter-protesters all along the route. Especially stomach-churning was the reception given to the protesters in the sleepy hollow of Rosebud, where the caterwauling and public scouring was most intense as 200 residents screeched at the protesters to “go home and get jobs” along a route littered with 40-ounce beer bottles, watermelons, Confederate flags and fried chicken, and where at least one concerned citizen was wearing a makeshift white hood, redolent of the vile knights of the “Invisible Empire.”

While the corporate media has suggested that the violent response by some protesters – property damage and looting in some instances – diminishes the authentic call for “change” – i.e., a demilitarization of the police, improved police-community relations, urban job creation, increased sensitivity training regarding race among police force recruits – it is hard to ignore the storied observation by Frantz Fanon that violence is oftentimes the only possible response by communities that have lived through centuries of violence – slavery, joblessness, poverty, police profiling, the school-to-prison pipeline and a military-industrial complex that thrives upon the deaths and killing of Black and Brown young men.

In the wake of this blow to the Black community, we have seen a string of similar White police killings of unarmed Black men and an unwillingness to indict them. These include the killing of Eric Garner who was caught on video repeating the words, “I can’t breathe,” 11 times as a New York Police Department officer had him in a chokehold that has been banned by the NYPD for years; the killing of Rumain Brisbon in Phoenix, Arizona; the killing of a 12-year-old boy, Tamir Rice, who was holding a toy gun in a park and shot within two seconds of police arriving on the scene; and the killing of Akai Gurley, a young man who was fatally shot by a rookie NYPD officer in a dark public housing stairwell in Brooklyn. With the growing confidence among White police officers that Black men are fair game for killing without consequences, how many more of our Black children’s lives will we lose?

In the cases of Eric Garner, Tamir Rice and Akai Gurley, the police did not make any effort to assist their dying victims. In the case of Gurley, the officers who shot him – in true “cover your ass fashion” – decided to text their union representative while ignoring calls from the police and medics. Six and a half minutes went by before they finally radioed for assistance. It wasn’t until a detective and FBI agent arrived at the scene of the Tamir Rice slaying that the victim received any first aid. In Eric Garner’s case, numerous police officers stared at his unconscious handcuffed body for seven crucial minutes instead of performing urgent CPR or frantically seeking professional medical assistance. In the case of Michael Brown, we know that his body lay lifeless on a Ferguson street for four hours before it was carted off to the local morgue. While some have attempted to justify police killings of Black men as a function of the job demand for quick decisions and their own survival instincts, this unconscionable and merciless failure to attempt to save these men’s lives, points to something much deeper.

Astonishingly, we are now hearing backlash against protesters that Black men must be suicidal since they are acting in ways that are surely to get them killed. It seems no matter what the circumstance, the narratives shift in order to maintain the sanctity of the White cop. The institutionalized and pretentious discourse of conservative talk show hosts now includes remarks to the effect of: “If Garner can say ‘I can’t breathe’ 11 times, then he can breathe” (obviously these self-proclaimed “critics” don’t realize that being pinned down by police may prevent lungs from re-expanding, forcing out the functional reserve capacity of air while the expiratory reserve volume – which is not oxygenated and basically exists as carbon dioxide gas – still permits vocalization). This vicious insensitivity from the frenetic ranks of these racist prodigies have ripped away any cosmetic prostheses hiding the seething subterranean animus of the White population who have inherited a historical proclivity to blame Blacks for their own suffering and who continue to do so with an increasingly smug impunity.

Given the rancid history of racial violence in the United States, should we be aghast at the audacity of White police officers who continue to shoot first and show little restraint prior or remorse after, and at the imperviousness of prosecutors and grand juries that see only through the dominant lens, justifying the growing epidemic of Black killings by White cops as a “natural” reaction to fearing for their lives? Protesters are demanded to show restraint in a country that has shown no restraint in killing Black communities and other communities of color – physically, psychologically and economically. While we do not advocate for violence, we understand how centuries of pain and humiliation can result in a pent-up rage that eventually explodes.

More recently, African-Americans face the grim new reality of moving from the super-exploited sector of the working class to being even more marginalized as capitalists switched from drawing on Black labor in favor of Latino/a immigrant labor as a super-exploited workforce. As a result of increased structural marginalization, African-Americans are subject to whatWilliam Robinson describesas “heightened disenfranchisement, criminalization, a bogus ‘war on drugs,’ mass incarceration and police and state terror, seen by the system as necessary to control a superfluous and potentially rebellious population.”

Racism is not a natural phenomenon, but one that has been produced within each and every institution of our society. Racism is exacerbated through a capitalist production process that teaches us that some people have a God-given right to pursue their own economic and social interests with little regard for the right of every human being and other living organism to thrive in the world free of fear for their own survival and with dignity and freedom. Racism stems from a world that has lost its ability to recognize its social nature and absolute need to love one another. While we must work to make people safe today, we must also consider the long-term goal of anti-racist struggle, which in our view is one and the same as class struggle, such that a new world order, one free from class and founded on love, interdependence, social responsibility, equality and freedom can thrive.

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Toward a Red Theory of Love, Sexuality and the Family

Our societal conceptions of love, sexuality, and family are deeply implicated in the sustenance of capitalist social relations. Falling in love can be described as a euphoric event that exhilarates and excites but its enduring qualities and its potential for connecting us to anOther and to our own humanity is forfeited under the su!ocating con»nes of a capitalist structure that is founded on unequal relations of ownership and domination. Instead of luxuriating in love, in the possibility that love engenders, we live our lives attempting to snatch moments of “love” in an otherwise routinized life of narcissism and self indulgence with little understanding of what it means to truly love – to value and respect one’s signi»cant others but also to create a foundation for social justice outside of one’s immediate interests. #at is, to create a social universe outside of value production grounded in an interculturalism, respect for diversity, and a “régimen de desarrollo” that fosters “el buen vivir” by requiring all of us to exercise social responsibility in the communities in which we live and labor.

Structural and structuring relations of exploitation, domination, and oppression under the commodifying thrall of capitalist social relations form the basis of numerous institutions in society, including marriage and the patriarchal family, wherein love is spawned in the fetid swamplands of value production to become a commodity subject to contractual agreements necessary for subsistence and used to control women’s bodies (and their hearts and souls) in some contexts through legal channels and in others through a hegemonic process of “persuasion.” Patriarchy is thus complicit with capitalist production, since men’s domination of women and children becomes a necessary means by which to ensure the next generation of docile workers in the service of the capitalist.

Whereas men can presume to escape their life of slave labor when they enter the family home, women as wives and mothers have an ever-present sense that their lives are not their own and they face the humiliating awareness of living overpowered by the hidden privilege and domination of the men who claim to love them most. The dehumanization inherent in our current gender relations is evidenced in the atrocious reality that the world shows little remorse in the systemic violence waged daily against women in the form of rape, domestic abuse, and an unparalleled hyper exploitation that a$icts primarily women of color in windowless sweatshops and sex dungeons. We are made into the Other of man (human being) through the western male deformation of our ontological and epistemological clarity and through processes of fragmentation and restriction.

The link between women’s oppression and patriarchy, gender relations in the family, and capitalism make clear that the struggle for women’s liberation is one and the same as class struggle. Unfortunately, Feminist movements have too o%en relied upon notions of equality de»ned within capitalist structures. #at is, they seek equality in terms of pay and value, and to break down the cultural imperialism that relegates women to a subordinate ontological and epistemological status. While this is a critical ethical «ght, we would argue that it seeks an ethical and moral stance within a structure of society that is above all unethical and lacking in moral coherence. Capitalism is foundationally an unequal system of domination and ownership. To attempt to «nd equality and an ethical moral stance within such a system is to set ourselves up for failure or to accept the semblance of “equality” for middle-class women who may be able to dictate their own individual experiences, while forgoing the grander plight for the emancipation of all women, across race and other di!erences.

Heather Brown (2013) reveals that Karl Marx had begun to examine the question of women’s oppression in society and that he recognized gender relations in the family as a microcosm of the oppressive relations between workers, noting that women’s equality would be a necessary component of a socialist revolution. Alexandra Kollontai, a Marxist and Bolshevik in the Russian Revolution took up this argument, calling for the uni»cation of class struggle and women’s liberation and calling for a reconceptualization of love, sexuality, and the family within socialism. Love within her red pedagogy was not a binding material contract but “a new communist sexual morality of free, open and equal relations of love and comradship” (Ebert, 2014, para. 16). Kollontai argued that love was a social concern determined by material conditions. In Kollontai’s words:

the two loving persons: love possesses an uniting element which is valuable to the collective.

Kollontai argued that this transformed social relation must be supported by measures that would support women economically so that they would not be dependent «nancially on men and that would support childcare and the development of the new generation, without overburdening, isolating, or truncating women’s creative potential for personal growth, as has been too o%en the case in capitalist societies. Unfortunately, Kollontai’s signi»cant and transformative contributions were quickly distorted and turned into an ideological version of “free love” that suggested promiscuity, e!ectively discrediting her revolutionary and emancipatory ideas. We argue that Kollontai’s work must be resuscitated in our quest for anti-capitalist struggle and women’s emancipation.

In a similar vein, Allain Badiou conceptualizes love as moving beyond the self-focused moment of ecstasy experienced in sex. He explains: “In love… you go to take on the other, to make her or him exist with you, as he or she is… [It] is a quest for truth… from the perspective of di!erence (p. 19-23).” Although Badiou rejects the notion that love is synonymous with revolution, (hate, he argues, is also an aspect of revolution), he proposes that communism has the potential to free us up for the possibility of love andthe possibilities that this emotion engenders in society.

We heed seriously the warning put forth by others that not only must women’s liberation be an important factor in revolution but that we must move the struggle forward now so that the people can at least begin to question and transform existing social relations within the family and therefore raise a new generation willing to consider transformative, liberatory, and humanly satisfying ways of conceiving love, sexuality, and the family. Our goal is a world free from the slave labor and the atrocities committed in the name of capital accumulation and one where every person can value the unique ontological and epistemological reality that women bring and where a woman can live with dignity and free from fear and humiliation and develop her potential in service of creating an ever increasingly ethical, moral, and humane world. Here we can move more steadfastly towards developing a relational and structural transformation of society that cultivates gender &uidity, cultural heterogeneity, participative self-representation, communitarian forms of authority, mutual legitimacy, equality, plurinationality, and a refoundation of the modern state built upon Iberoamérica Social the revolution begins now!

Referencias

Badiou, A. (2009). In praise of love. #e New Press.

Brown, H. (2013). Marx on gender and the family: A critical study. Haymarket books.

Ebert, T. (2014). Alexandra Kollontai and red love. Solidarity: A socialist, feminist, anti- -racist organization. Retrieved http://www.solidarity-us.org/node/1724

Kollontai, A. (1921). «eses on communist morality in the sphere of marital relations. Retrieved https://www.marxists.org/archive/kollonta/1921/theses-morality.htm

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Simposio Internacional Educación Comparada en el Siglo XXI

Simposio Internacional EDUCACION COMPARADA EN EL SIGLO XXI

Ensenada Baja California México

Sábado 30 y domingo 31 de julio 2016

Finlandia, Cuba y Shanghai Los primeros lugares en EDUCACION en PISA y UNESCO ¿Cómo lo hacen? › Profesor Yuha Souranta Director Instituto Freire (Finlandia) › Profesora Ana Renfors Profesora de primaria (Finlandia) › Profesor Huang Zicheng Instituto Ed. Comparada (Shanghai) › Profesor Lisardo García Ramis Instituto Pedagógico (Cuba) Estados Unidos, México

¿Qué debemos hacer para superarla? › Profesor Peter McLaren Investigador Univ., Chapman (USA) › Profesor Manuel Gil Antón El Colegio de México (México) La buena educación La educación en crisis

La educación alternativa Colombia, Bolivia y Venezuela ¿Qué proponen? › Profesor Noel Aguirre Ledezma Viceministro Educación ( Bolivia) › Profesor Luis Bonilla Instituto Miranda ( Venezuela) › Profesor Marco Raúl Mejía Univ. Javeriana (Colombia)

TALLERES

1. El Buen vivir como Política Publica Dr. Noel Aguirre Ledezma viceministro de educación de Bolivia

2. La Reforma Educativa en Venezuela Dr. Luis Bonilla.director del Instituto Miranda, asesor del gobierno venezolano

3. Políticas Publicas en la Educación de Finlandia Doctores Souranta. Directivos del instituto Freire de Finlandia.

4. Políticas Publicas de Educación en Shanghái Dr. Huang Zichen Director del instituto de Educacion Comparada de Shangai.

5. Estrategias de la educación En Cuba socialista representante de Cuba

Ocho conferencias magistrales y cinco talleres y presentación de libros Salón La Troje del Hotel Las Palmas

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