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Honduras: Protesta de Plataforma termina en un Plantón

Protesta de Plataforma termina en un Plantón

Miembros de la Plataforma para la Defensa de la Salud y Educación realizaron ayer un plantón frente al Instituto Central Vicente Cáceres, en la colonia Tiloarque de Comayagüela.

La dirigencia de dicha organización había convocado para continuar en la calle las manifestaciones contra el gobierno.

Sin embargo, todo quedó en una pequeña reunión de docentes que se dieron cita para las 8:00 de la mañana, frente al mencionado instituto.

Los manifestantes esperaban la presencia de personal de Salud y profesores de algunos departamentos del centro oriente del país, pero no llegaron.

Al respecto, el dirigente magisterial y de la Plataforma, Edwin Hernández, manifestó que hay estrategias de luchas que deben ir variando, porque las fuerzas del orden están pendientes de sus movilizaciones.

“No siempre serán las mismas estrategias de luchas, porque hay varios lugares de la capital que están llenos de policías y militares, como por ejemplo, el aeropuerto Toncontín”, señaló Hernández.

El dirigente adelantó que en las próximas horas estarán haciendo una nueva convocatoria para un punto estratégico de la capital.

En tanto, las autoridades de la Secretaría de Educación anunciaron que en los próximos días estarían oficializando la cancelación del período académico en algunos centros educativos, donde las protestas han sido constantes.

Fuente de la Información: https://www.latribuna.hn/2019/08/12/protesta-de-plataforma-termina-en-un-planton/

 

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CANADA: How big pharma can impact the education of med school students

How big pharma can impact the education of med school students

Some students are worried drug literature is too prominent in medical studies

 

This is the third story in a four-part series about the pharmaceutical industry and the hold it has on Canada’s health-care system — swaying doctors’ opinions, funding medical schools and, ultimately, affecting the type of drugs we are prescribed. To read Part 1, click here. To read Part 2, click here

When Dr. Elia Abi-Jaoude was a medical student at the University of Manitoba in the early 2000s, he found out drug companies were donating textbooks — and he wasn’t pleased.

His main textbook for gastroenterology, First Principles of Gastroenterology, was published by pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca. AstraZeneca makes drugs for conditions like asthma, blood pressure and cancer.

Along with another classmate, Abi-Jaoude started a petition against the pharma-funded material and began questioning if the industry was too involved in educating future doctors. He was concerned that companies with a conflict of financial interest were helping inform what students learned.

Today, Abi-Jaoude is a psychiatrist at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto. He still wonders about some of the things he was taught in med school.

“The truth is, it’s hard to disentangle medical education from whatever the prevailing culture is in medicine, including ways of thinking or beliefs of the day about diagnosis or treatment,” he says.

“And currently, the pharmaceutical and medical device industries continue to have much influence over the shaping of such beliefs.”

There is no greater recent example of how the pharmaceutical industry may affect the practice of medicine than the opioid crisis.

Thousands of Canadians have lost their lives to the opioid epidemic, and more continue to struggle with addiction. Many were prescribed the painkillers by their doctors, who say pharmaceutical companies intentionally lied to them about the safety of opioids. The crisis has highlighted the power of drug manufacturers when it comes to swaying physicians’ prescribing habits and what doctors learn about drugs. But that exposure to big pharma starts much earlier on with drug companies pouring millions of dollars into medical schools.

Med school shapes how doctors approach medicine

Students go into med school relatively ignorant of medical culture and are expected to come out as health authorities, writes emergency room physician Dr. Joel Lexchin in his book Doctors in Denial: Why Big Pharma and the Canadian Medical Profession Are Too Close For Comfort.

“How they are taught, what kind of exposure they have to the pharmaceutical industry and how they see their teachers and those above them on the medical hierarchy relating to the industry will, in large part, determine their own relationship once they are independent doctors,” Lexchin wrote.

Lexchin, who is also a professor of health policy at York University, told Global News that when a drug company establishes a relationship with a med school, it is acting in its own best interest. These interactions are often in the form of research funding, grants or philanthropic donations. Drug companies also often have close relationships with faculty, too, paying educators to sit on advisory boards, for example.

“They [drug companies] make contact early on with medical students when these students are at an impressionable time in terms of their professional life — it’s just starting,” Lexchin says.

“The pharmaceutical companies want to establish a positive relationship with these medical students that can then go forward.”

If med students learn that industry interaction is the norm, they are more likely to meet with drug reps in their practice. Interacting with drug reps is known to affect doctors’ prescribing habits and can even lead to “irrational prescribing” of a brand’s drug, research shows.

Plus, Lexchin says pharma companies also like to give money to med schools because it builds relationships with faculty. Faculty are often very influential in the Canadian medical landscape, and when issues around pharmaceutical policy arise, big pharma benefits from having reputable doctors on its side.

Dr. Nav Persaud experienced this first-hand. While a second-year med student at the University of Toronto (U of T) in 2004, Persaud was one of the thousands who sat through a one-week compulsory course on pain management.

While he didn’t know it at the time, the course was funded by drug companies, including Purdue Pharma, the manufacturer of OxyContin. The course’s reference book was sponsored by Purdue Pharma, too, and described oxycodone as a weak opioid (it is 1.5times stronger than morphine).

What’s more, the co-author of the pain book, Dr. Roman Jovey, was also helping teach the course. Jovey worked as a consultant for Purdue, among other drug companies.

Persaud, who is now a physician at St. Michael’s Hospital, didn’t realize that what he had learned about pain and opioids was possibly biased until a few years out of school. While working with a med student, Persaud saw the future doctor’s lecture notes and realized the information he received on opioids was inaccurate.

“I then started thinking back to what I was taught and eventually realized that I was taught the same incorrect information,” Persaud told Global News.

Jovey previously told Global News that he doesn’t believe the information he wrote on opiates was influenced by his relationship with Purdue. Jovey added that he taught the students for free.

He said that one controversial section of the reference book was a paragraph that said taking a medication that’s released slowly (like oxycodone) has less addictive potential than taking a short-acting drug. He acknowledges that if the drug is abused — crushed, snorted or injected — then the slow release property is eliminated.

“And who would have thought that when it came out in 1996, that people would be crushing and snorting and injecting medications? I certainly didn’t,” Jovey said in 2013.

“I had total control over what the content was … That book was written based on how I practised, and it was based on the best knowledge that we had available at the time.”

Persaud filed a complaint, and the university discontinued the program in 2010. In 2013, almost 1,400 former U of T medical students were contacted by the school and told to disregard the teaching materials they were given regarding the prescription painkiller oxycodone.

Still, the effects of opioid promotion are felt in Canada.

“Thousands of people in Canada die opioid-related deaths each year,” Persaud says. “The death rate increased dramatically since the 1990s at the same time as prescribing increased.”

How much money are med schools getting?

U of T no longer gives students industry-funded pain books, but it still has financial ties to drug companies.

U of T has received millions of dollars from pharmaceutical companies, like Apotex Inc. and GlaxoSmithKline Inc., for research projects. Global News filed a freedom-of-information (FOI) request with the university to see what companies donated to the university and when.

Our original request was narrowed down to capture only research agreements between 1994 and 2020. This means that if pharmaceutical companies like Purdue Pharma, for example, made donations outside of research purposes, it is not included in this data.

The obtained financial information helps form an understanding of the role pharma companies play in med schools. While only a partial picture, the data shows financial support was given for projects and to individual faculty members.

Between 1995 and 2004, Apotex Inc. gave U of T $2,875,077 for research projects. GlaxoSmithKline Inc. (GSK) put $4,566,930 towards research at the university from 1994 to 2020. This money included fellowships for three individual researchers, two of whom run labs.

From 2014 to 2019, Janssen Inc. donated $1,642,998 for research. Allergan Inc. gave $272,696.85 between 2000 and 2003. Bristol-Myers Squibb Pharmaceutical gave an infectious diseases physician $180,000 between 2002 and 2005 and another doctor a two-year fellowship of $119,930 in 2001.

In a statement to Global News, Dr. Richard Hegele, vice-dean of research and innovation of U of T’s Faculty of Medicine, said academic research is supported by funding from government agencies, individual donors, foundations and the private sector.

“The University of Toronto has long-standing policies and practices — including the ethical conduct of research, research partnerships, the publications policy, the conflict-of-interest policy and the statement on advisory bodies — that ensure the highest standard of integrity in our research practices,” he said.

Dr. Patricia Houston, vice-dean of U of T’s MD program, said in a statement: “Funds that support the operation of the MD program are provided through a combination of government grants and tuition revenue. We do not receive funds from the pharmaceutical industry to deliver on the educational mission of the MD program.”

The University of Montreal received $474,463 from pharmaceutical companies between 2017 and 2018 for various health science projects, a spokesperson for the school told Global News.

Queen’s University told Global News that its “records indicated that the total for all philanthropic gifts, grants and sponsorships received by Queen’s and its faculties from pharmaceutical companies in (calendar year) 2018 was $695,600.”

The Faculty of Medicine and Health Sciences (FMSS) at the Université de Sherbrooke (UdeS) says it collects research revenue data yearly “for the purposes of annual reporting to the Association of Faculties of Medicine of Canada (AFMC).” This money is recorded as private sector donations as a whole, and funding from pharma companies is not separated.

“This is why we do not have precise data on the funding provided specifically by pharmas,” a spokesperson told Global News. “We are, however, happy to share this data with you: at the FMSS, private sector funding fluctuated between $4.8 and $5.9 million per year since 2012.”

In Lexchin’s book Doctors in Denial, he highlights the generous donations made from industry to med schools.

In 2013, McGill University’s Faculty of Medicine received $4 million from pharma company Merck. In a press release from the time, the dean of the med school said the faculty is “tremendously proud to be partnering with Merck Research Laboratories to bring the benefits of our work to society more swiftly.”

Pharmaceutical company Amgen Canada says it invests approximately $70 million into research and development in Canada on an annual basis, according to a press release. The company says it provides sponsorship and funding to programs at U of T Mississauga and the University of British Columbia (UBC).

In a statement to Global News, GSK said it is “proud to collaborate with some of the world’s top researchers here in Canada.”

The pharma company said: “Our funding of research projects, such as investigator-sponsored studies and past professorships at Canadian medical schools, are intended to encourage health science research, foster innovation and improve disease state understanding in areas of mutual interest and where there is a patient need. We take an arm’s-length approach to these initiatives, as the health science research is conducted independent of GSK.”

How does pharma money affect med schools and health care?

Lexchin says that even if funding for research seems charitable, drug companies often benefit.

While faculty and lab assistants are often the ones involved in research projects, this still affects which health issues receive attention. Research also shows that industry-funded studies are more likely to produce favourable results than trials supported by other sources of funding.

“They want the faculty to do research, and even if that research is done without any ethical issues, the pharmaceutical companies are still promoting research in particular areas with, possibly, a particular slant in them,” Lexchin says.

Lexchin gives an example: if a pharmaceutical company is interested in developing a product to treat sexually transmitted infections (STIs), it may give a university money to research STI antibiotics. The company wouldn’t put money toward researching the sexual practices of young teenagers, on the other hand. Those findings wouldn’t sell STI treatment drugs.

“The pharmaceutical industry level of resources means that other voices and other kinds of research may be drowned out,” Lexchin adds.

Lexchin also says there are reasons to be concerned about the relationship faculty members have with the industry. A school’s disclosure policies will aim to mitigate bias, but if a student is learning from a professor whose research is funded by a certain pharma company, it sends a message that these relationships are OK.

“If Dr. X, who is world-famous as a cardiologist, has a relationship with Merck, that puts relationships with drug companies in a positive light,” Lexchin explains.

Likewise, if professors are paid by a drug company to give presentations at conferences or events, their stance on industry influence may be skewed. Lexchin says this is called “the gift relationship” and it often happens on a subconscious level.

“So you’ve got something from a drug company, whether it’s research funding or you’re on the advisory board for the company, and you feel an obligation to repay that gift,” he says.

“One of the ways you can repay it is by putting industry-physician relationships in a positive light. There are always controversies around how well drugs work or whether or not people should disclose their conflicts of interest. And if you’ve got a relationship with a drug company, you’re more likely to be on one side of that issue than the other.”

What do med schools say?

Medical schools across Canada have policies intended to combat possible conflicts of interest and industry bias.

Global News reached out to each medical school and received information on their policies. These policies vary from school to school, but all accept financial donations from the pharma industry or otherwise. Med schools also have their own policies on faculty disclosing industry relationships and possible conflicts of interests, but all encourage transparency.

If you want to read each medical school’s response, you can do so here.

  • U of T’s Faculty of Medicine and its faculty members “have many valuable relationships with private-sector entities. These relationships encourage and support innovation and accelerate delivery of new health-care products and methods to our patients,” the university’s policies state. Faculty are still expected to disclose conflicts of interest, and the institution has policies around faculty receiving industry funding or gifts.
  • McMaster University says: “All faculty members holding academic appointments at McMaster University have an obligation to act with integrity in all research and education relationships and to avoid situations that place personal interest above interests that would be consistent with optimal academic integrity.”
  • UBC says it “is committed to upholding academic integrity and professionalism across the educational and research spectrum.” Faculty are expected to disclose possible conflicts of interest as well as actual conflicts of interest.
  • UBC also offers faculty a course on industry interaction that “covers key issues in the relationships between the medical community and industry.”
  • At Western University’s Schulich School of Medicine and Dentistry, “a full-time clinical academic may engage in part-time professional activities, paid or unpaid, provided that such activities do not constitute a conflict of commitment or interfere with the member’s responsibilities to the university.” They are also subject to conflict-of-interest conditions.
  • Since 2017, the University of Montreal says it has offered “online ethics training” for members of the medical faculty who deal with the pharma industry. “More than 250 people followed the training last year,” a spokesperson for the university said. The university also has policies around disclosing conflicts of interest.

What do med students think?

Mei Wen started med school at U of T in 2015 and says the opioid epidemic has made students like her highly skeptical of industry interaction. The recent lawsuits against drug manufacturers for their alleged involvement in fuelling the crisis hasn’t helped, either.

During her education, Wen says she heard of past conflict-of-interest issues at the university, like the Purdue-funded pain book. She believes things have changed for the better since then and feels there’s more transparency around industry interaction.

For example, the 27-year-old says that when anyone got in front of her class to present information or lead a discussion, they were expected to disclose any industry ties. This means that if a professor sat on an advisory board for a drug company, he or she was responsible for letting students know. These disclosures affected how Wen interpreted information.

WATCH: How pharmaceutical reps lobby doctors to use their drugs

“It kind of raised a flag in my head to pay a little more attention and [view] the information more critically,” Wen says.

While Wen says she wasn’t offered a full course on how to navigate relationships with the pharma industry or how to spot bias in research, those topics did come up. Being taught by professors who are critical of industry influence, like Dr. David Juurlink, helped shape her skepticism, too.

Now in a residency program in Vancouver, Wen says she won’t meet with drug reps at work.

“Because of the nature of my training, … [I’m] wary when a pharmaceutical drug rep is advertising a certain medication,” she says.

Cut off the funding?

Medical schools argue that donations and research funding help promote quality education. As long as faculty disclose any possible conflicts of interest and industry money doesn’t affect the quality of education, there’s no reason to turn away dollars.

But Lexchin is less idealistic. He says drug companies should not play a role in shaping what and how future doctors learn, and medical schools are environments ripe for influence. Medical information needs to be unbiased and supported by evidence, not pharma money.

Lexchin acknowledges that industry money can help set up labs or allow schools to hire renowned experts. But these are short-term gains, he says, and there are tradeoffs when you work with industry.

“They [med schools] don’t look at the long-term possible problems associated with that kind of interaction, which are research being focused in a particular direction and having more [doctors] willing to interact with industry,” he says.

The more doctors interact with industry, the less appropriate their prescribing behaviour becomes, Lexchin adds, saying: “Medical schools don’t take those kinds of issues into account.”

Abi-Jaoude agrees. Although his petition against free textbooks was well over 10 years ago, his stance on industry interaction is the same: there’s no reason for drug companies to be educating future physicians. It doesn’t benefit students; it only benefits sales.

Persaud’s fight for unbiased educational materials has also shaped the way he practises now as a doctor. Part of his job is to teach medical students and residents, and he does that without the help of big pharma.

“There’s obviously no need to have [drug] literature interpreted or spoon-fed to you by the pharmaceutical industry that has a clear vested interest,” he says.

— With files from Leslie Young

Laura.Hensley@globalnews.ca

Fuente de la Información: https://www.newmarkettoday.ca/local-news/canada-how-big-pharma-can-impact-the-education-of-med-school-students-1634906

 

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Nueva York: “El feminismo del 99% no es una alternativa a la lucha de clases, es otro frente dentro de ella”

“El feminismo del 99% no es una alternativa a la lucha de clases, es otro frente dentro de ella”

Entrevista a Nancy Fraser

Rebeca Martínez

Nancy Fraser se muestra muy contundente contra el feminismo liberal de mujeres como Hillary Clinton que solo buscan escalar posiciones dentro de las empresas. Frente a este feminismo de las privilegiadas, Fraser apunta la urgencia de crear un feminismo que esté del lado de la mayoría de las mujeres: las trabajadoras, las migrantes, las lesbianas y trans, y de sus problemas, que tienen más que ver con el racismo institucional que soportan y con la explotación que viven dentro de sus trabajos y de sus casas, donde cargan con la mayor parte de los cuidados. Es precisamente de esto de lo que habla en el manifiesto Feminismo para el 99%, que firma junto a Cinzia Arruzza y Tithi Bhattacharya y que ha sido publicado por la editorial Herder.

Esta profesora de Filosofía en la New School de Nueva York estuvo en Madrid recientemente, en una visita coordinada por el Grupo de Estudios Críticos, y habló con viento sur sobre este feminismo para la mayoría y sobre el ataque que está perpetrando el neoliberalismo contra aspectos vitales tan importantes como la crianza de los niños y niñas, el cuidado de nuestros mayores, la sanidad, la educación o la vivienda.

Rebeca Martínez: Sobre el manifiesto Feminismo para el 99% que has firmado junto a otras mujeres, ¿qué es y por qué se lanza ahora?

Nancy Fraser: Es un ensayo corto que pretendíamos que fuera popular y que se leyera fácilmente. No es escritura académica, tiene la forma de un manifiesto. Lo escribí junto a otras dos pensadoras feministas: una es la italiana Cinzia Arruzza, que ahora vive en Nueva York, y la otra Tithi Bhattacharya, que es india y enseña en Estados Unidos.

Esta ha sido la primera vez, desde que comencé mi activismo en los años sesenta o setenta, que he escrito un ensayo como este, de auténtica agitación política, teniendo en cuenta que soy profesora de Filosofía. Sin embargo, los tiempos ahora son tan duros, la crisis de la sociedad y de la política es tan severa, que sentí que tenía que dar el salto y escribir para una audiencia más amplia.

El manifiesto es un intento de articular una nueva vía para el movimiento feminista, que durante las dos últimas décadas ha estado dominado por el feminismo corporativo y liberal representado por Hilary Clinton en Estados Unidos. Este es el feminismo de mujeres profesionales y de directivas, de mujeres relativamente privilegiadas, en su mayoría blancas, con formación y de clase media o media-alta, que intentan meter cabeza en el mundo de los negocios o en los medios de comunicación. Con este proyecto lo que pretenden básicamente es escalar en la jerarquía de las empresas para ser tratadas de la misma forma que los hombres de su misma clase y tener el mismo salario y el mismo prestigio.

Este no es un feminismo igualitario, es un feminismo que no tiene mucho que ofrecerle a una vasta mayoría de mujeres que son pobres o de clase trabajadora y que no tienen esos privilegios: mujeres inmigrantes, mujeres trans… Este feminismo del 1%, o como mucho del 10%, ha empañado el nombre del feminismo, asociándolo al liderazgo, al individualismo y la vida empresarial. Le ha dado al feminismo un mal nombre y lo ha asociado con el neoliberalismo, la financiarización y la globalización, con políticas que van contra la clase trabajadora.

Nosotras tres queríamos proponer una alternativa a esto, y no estamos solas, porque hay otras feministas de izquierdas que también han intentado hacerlo. Y, en efecto, la alternativa está emergiendo con las enormes marchas y las manifestaciones del 8 de marzo, que tienen un carácter anticapitalista y antisistémico, que protestan contra la austeridad y el asalto a la reproducción social.

Pensamos que era un buen momento para dar el salto e intentar crear un feminismo que sea realmente antisistema, anticapitalista y que se referencie en las mujeres de clase trabajadora y pobres para mejorar sus vidas. Lo interesante es que es un movimiento que debe centrarse en temáticas tradicionales, como el derecho al aborto y otras, que sin duda son fundamentales, pero que tiene que pensar también más allá, en la gran crisis de la sociedad, para articular políticas y programas que beneficien a todo el mundo. Por eso, el feminismo del 99% no significa solo el 99% de las mujeres, significa el 99% de los seres humanos sobre el planeta. Esta es la idea general del manifiesto.

R.M.: Desde 2017 se han organizado tres huelgas feministas internacionales en muchos países, incluida España. Y no solo eso. Aquí, las protestas laborales de los últimos años están protagonizadas sobre todo por mujeres: las trabajadoras del hogar, las limpiadoras de hoteles, de residencias de mayores, entre otras. ¿Estamos ante una nueva ola feminista? Si es así, ¿a qué momento del capitalismo neoliberal responde?

N.F.: Creo que sí estamos ante una nueva ola, o que al menos hay potencial para que así sea, si hacemos una ruptura real con este feminismo liberal corporativo.

El neoliberalismo ha perpetrado un asalto brutal contra lo que llamamos la reproducción social, contra todas las actividades destinadas al mantenimiento y la reproducción de personas: la crianza de los niños, la educación, el cuidado de la gente mayor, cosas como la educación pública, la sanidad, el transporte, las pensiones o la vivienda. Porque todo esto forma parte de la reproducción social y no solo el cuidado de los niños, los mayores y otras actividades realizadas dentro del hogar.

El neoliberalismo ha aplastado todo esto. Hoy día, las mujeres tienen que estar a tiempo completo en el trabajo asalariado, en un momento en que el Estado necesita recortar en gasto social, como parte de su política de austeridad y de la financiarización. Así que, por un lado, tenemos el recorte en el suministro público de estas áreas y, por otro, la insistencia en que las mujeres dediquen su tiempo a producir ganancias para el capital. Esto significa que hay una auténtica crisis de los cuidados o una crisis de la reproducción social y es precisamente lo que está dando lugar a las huelgas que mencionabas.

En la crisis de los años treinta, el centro de las revueltas activistas era el trabajo industrial: las luchas por la sindicación, por los derechos laborales, etcétera. Hoy la situación es otra. En parte debido a la desindustrialización y la relocalización de la producción en el sur global; ahora el centro es la reproducción social.

Tú has mencionado antes huelgas de mujeres muy significativas, a las que yo añadiría la huelga de las maestras en Estados Unidos. Las profesoras tienen salarios tan bajos que muchas de ellas tienen que realizar segundos trabajos por la tarde para poder mantenerse, a sí mismas y a sus familias. Estas mujeres hacen huelga no solo para conseguir mejores salarios, también piden más recursos para la educación, para mejorar las escuelas y están teniendo mucho apoyo. Son ejemplos que ponen la esfera de la reproducción social como un eje amplio de lucha. Y, por lo que sé, las enormes huelgas del 8M en España también protestan por los recortes en todas estas áreas.

Diría que hoy día las luchas por la reproducción social son la vanguardia de la izquierda anticapitalista y antisistema. Las mujeres están en el frente y eso significa formar parte de la centralidad, de una nueva forma de pensar lo que es la política feminista.

R.M.: Sobre las luchas por la reproducción social, ¿cómo se relacionan con la lucha de clases, el movimiento antirracista y el LGTBIQ?

N.F.: Primero de todo, creo que tenemos que repensar qué entendemos por lucha de clases. Esa imagen de los años treinta de los obreros industriales organizados en sindicatos es una parte de lo que es la lucha de clases, pero diría que la lucha por la reproducción social también es lucha de clases, porque no hay producción ni trabajo industrial si no tienes a alguien que realice el trabajo de producir a los trabajadores y de reponerlos, que cuide de la próxima generación que les va a reemplazar. Por eso, la reproducción social es central para la producción capitalista y el trabajo que produce a toda esta gente y que constituye su sociabilidad supone mucho trabajo, tanto como el trabajo en las fábricas.

Lo que constituye una clase no es solo la relación de la producción en la fábrica, también la relación de la reproducción social que produce a las y los trabajadores. Todo esto es parte de la lucha de clases. La idea de la lucha de clases en el pasado era bastante estrecha. No creo que el feminismo del 99% sea una alternativa a la lucha de clases, no creo que esté en competición con la lucha de clases, creo que se ha constituido otro frente en la lucha de clases, que debería aliarse con el movimiento obrero más clásico y ser un aliado también de lo que mencionaste, de la lucha antirracista, la lucha por los derechos de las personas migrantes, y la lucha por los derechos de las personas LGTBIQ.

La conexión con la raza y la etnicidad es muy fuerte, porque lo que ocurre ahora es que tenemos una nueva división de clase racializada entre las mujeres. Las mujeres empresarias, de clase media-alta y con formación, luchan por superar la discriminación y escalar a los puestos más altos. Lo que hacen para poder trabajar sesenta horas a la semana en trabajos que exigen mucho es contratar a mujeres, a menudo inmigrantes y muy mal pagadas, para que realicen el trabajo de cuidados: cuidado de los niños, la limpieza de la casa, la cocina, el cuidado de sus padres dependientes y demás. Estas mujeres del llamado feminismo liberal se apoyan en todo este trabajo de las mujeres racializadas, que son las mujeres más vulnerables porque no tienen derechos laborales, se les paga muy poco y están expuestas a agresiones y abusos. Por todo esto, necesitamos poner en el centro del feminismo la dimensión de clase y raza. El feminismo para el 99% tiene que ser un movimiento antirracista, tiene que hacer suyas las problemáticas de las mujeres pobres y racializadas, que son la mayoría de mujeres, y poner sus necesidades en el frente, no las necesidades de las empresarias y sus demandas para romper el techo de cristal. Y esto también es así para la lucha LGTBIQ.

Aquí ocurre también algo interesante, porque diría que en este movimiento [LGTBIQ] también hay un ala liberal que es hegemónica y un sector más amplio de gente cuyas necesidades y problemas son marginalizados. Hay una lucha similar en el seno del movimiento LGTBIQ y me gustaría que nuestro feminismo del 99% hablara también por las mujeres trans, queer y lesbianas, que el movimiento LGTBIQ para el 99% fuese el aliado natural del feminismo del 99%.

R.M.: Hablamos de las luchas por la reproducción social, que pueden constituir un bloque contra las dinámicas del neoliberalismo, pero ¿qué hay de las relaciones patriarcales? ¿Podemos combatir las violencias machistas desde la lucha por la reproducción?

N.F.: Es una buena pregunta. Me gustaría empezar haciendo alusión al movimiento #MeToo. Como sabes, la idea más extendida de lo que es este movimiento se centra en Hollywood, en actrices muy bien pagadas y en artistas que tienen visibilidad en los medios de comunicación. Pero el sector compuesto por mujeres mucho menos privilegiadas es más vulnerable a las agresiones sexuales y al acoso en el trabajo. Pensemos, por ejemplo, en las jornaleras. Muchas de ellas no tienen ni papeles, y, al tener menos poder y recursos, son mucho más vulnerables a las demandas de los jefes. Y lo mismo ocurre con las trabajadoras de hoteles, por ejemplo, recordemos el caso de Dominique Strauss-Kahn, o quienes trabajan limpiando casas privadas, las trabajadoras domésticas, que son víctimas de agresiones sexuales muy a menudo.

El movimiento #MeToo, si lo pensamos de una manera más amplia, es una lucha obrera. Es la lucha por un entorno de trabajo seguro, donde no puedas ser víctima de abusos. El hecho de que los medios se centren solo en los casos de personas conocidas, desafortunadamente, hace que no parezca una lucha de clases, pero es otra forma de lucha de clases en realidad.

La cuestión de la reproducción social tiene mucho que hacer para cambiar la relación entre la producción y la reproducción y, por lo tanto, para cambiar el equilibrio del poder dentro de las casas. El trabajo de la reproducción social no debería estar generizado, ser una cosa solo de mujeres. Es un trabajo importante para toda la sociedad, algunos aspectos del mismo son incluso placenteros y creativos, así que los hombres también deberían tener acceso a él, sentir la responsabilidad de hacer la parte que les corresponde. Esto va de cambiar la dinámica dentro de los hogares y, por supuesto, el feminismo del 99% está en contra de todo tipo de violencia: contra las mujeres, contra las personas trans, contra las personas no cis y contra las racializadas.

El del patriarcado es un concepto que, personalmente, no me gusta usar porque sugiere una imagen del poder diádica: tienes al amo y a sus sirvientes sometidos. Algo de eso existe todavía, sin duda alguna, pero la forma central del poder en nuestra sociedad hoy día opera de una manera más impersonal, más estructural, lo que restringe las opciones para la gente pobre y trabajadora. Creo que es importante tener una imagen del poder diferente que viene de los bancos, el FMI, las organizaciones de las finanzas y la industria, a través de la construcción del mercado de trabajo, el mercado de trabajo generizado, racializado. Esto es lo que determina quién tiene acceso a los recursos y puede reivindicar sus reclamaciones, quién puede funcionar como igual, incluso dentro de las familias y las relaciones personales.

R.M.: Cuando en tus trabajos hablas de justicia social, distingues tres niveles: el económico (redistribución), el cultural (reconocimiento) y el político (representación). ¿Hasta qué punto están presentes los tres en el nuevo ciclo de huelgas feministas?

N.F.: Creo que hay una preocupación por todos estos aspectos y que están estrechamente relacionados. No puedes cambiar la esfera económica, redistribuir las relaciones de producción, si no cambias esas otras cosas que están interconectadas. Lo que importa en el ámbito político es a menudo definido en términos de lo que importa en el ámbito económico, aunque las fuerzas capitalistas insistan en que lo que ocurre en el lugar de trabajo debe ser decidido por el mercado y por los jefes, como si eso no fuera una cuestión política y de democracia.

Hay todo un debate sobre dónde está la línea que separa aquello que decide el mercado y las fuerzas privadas del capitalismo y aquello que decidimos una mayoría democrática. Y todo esto tiene mucho que ver con la cultura, con los lenguajes que están a nuestra disposición y que nos ayudan a entender la situación.

Tenemos conceptos como el de acoso sexual, el de degradar, tenemos la terminología para decir lo que está mal en la sociedad, y esto tiene que ver con cómo traducimos la experiencia propia para expresar una demanda. El feminismo ha afrontado un gran desafío y ha creado un lenguaje nuevo que cambia la cultura, que cambia la concepción que tiene la gente sobre sus derechos, sobre lo que no tienen que aguantar, lo que está mal, aquello por lo que pueden protestar. Esto amplía la esfera del discurso político, la esfera de lo que son decisiones democráticas y no privadas de la familia o la empresa. Hoy en día estamos avanzando mucho en el ámbito cultural y esto repercute en un cambio institucional en las dos esferas: la política y la económica. Pero de lo que se trata siempre es de la interrelación entre estos tres niveles.

R.M.: Has apuntado muchas veces que el neoliberalismo se apropió del potencial crítico y de las demandas de la segunda ola del feminismo y los incorporó en su propio beneficio. ¿Podría ocurrir otra vez con esta incipiente ola? ¿Puede evitarse de alguna manera?

N.F.: Creo que el feminismo liberal, junto al antirracismo liberal, al movimiento LGTBIQ liberal y a lo que llamamos capitalismo verde, todos estos movimientos que fueron hegemónicos, fueron incorporados al bloque hegemónico de poder que en EE UU constituyó el neoliberalismo progresista. Estos movimientos prestaron su carisma y su ideología para crear la ilusión de que esta política horrible de la financiarización, la precarización del trabajo, la reducción de salarios, etc., podía ser progresista, progay, promujeres y todo eso.

Esto ocurrió así y por eso es tan importante que la nueva ola feminista rompa con ese tipo de feminismo y abra un nuevo camino. Siempre es posible ser hegemonizado y apropiado por fuerzas que son más poderosas, existe siempre esa posibilidad y es importante que los movimientos emancipatorios estén alerta.

Hoy en día, nos han dicho que tenemos dos opciones para elegir: el populismo autoritario de derechas, que es racista, xenófobo y bastante desagradable, o volver a la protección liberal, al neoliberalismo progresista, que podría ser antirracista y todo lo demás. Pero esta es una elección falsa. Tenemos que rechazar las dos opciones, no solo el populismo racista y supremacista, también el neoliberalismo progresista. Vivimos un momento de crisis monumental en el que tenemos la oportunidad de tomar un nuevo camino para crear un movimiento antisistema para el 99%, en el que el feminismo del 99% esté conectado con los otros movimientos para el 99%: el obrero, el que lucha por el clima, el de las y los migrantes, etc.

R.M.: Para terminar, una pregunta más teórica. En tus obras apuntas que el Estado-nación (lo que se conoce como marco westfaliano-keynesiano) entró en crisis con el neoliberalismo y que sus fronteras son ahora más difusas, menos claras. Llamas a este proceso la política del desenmarque. Pero, ¿cuál es el papel del Estado-nación ahora? ¿Podemos decir que ha desaparecido por completo?

N.F.: No, no ha desaparecido. Históricamente, la fuerza principal que ha suministrado cualquier nivel de protección y seguridad a la gente trabajadora frente al capital ha sido el Estado-nación y el Estado-nación aún sigue siendo el principal destinatario de las demandas. Cuando queremos protección o apoyo social, ¿a quién se lo pedimos? Pedimos a nuestros gobiernos que se responsabilicen. Entendemos que la política está organizada aún sobre las bases de la nación, por eso las campañas electorales son nacionales, las principales actividades políticas se realizan a escala nacional. Pero, en última instancia, esto no es del todo correcto y podemos verlo cuando atendemos la inmigración, que es un enorme punto de conflicto y crisis.

Hay gente de todo el mundo que no tiene un Estado que los proteja, que pueda darle algo de lo que nosotros le pedimos a nuestro Estado en los países desarrollados. Viven en campos de refugiados, están forzados a vivir violencia política y persecuciones religiosas por el hecho de que han invadido su país y lo han destruido todo, por crisis climáticas, por las características de esta crisis global que vivimos.

Esta gente viene huyendo y el movimiento populista de derechas dobla el nacionalismo y la exclusión. ¿Cuál es el eslogan de Trump? Make America great again (Haz que América vuelva a ser grande), como era antes de que toda esta gente apareciera y arruinara nuestro país. Esa es la ideología de este populismo y supongo que pasará lo mismo con algunos partidos aquí también. Necesitamos pensar de una manera más transnacional y global cómo podemos asegurar derechos sociales para todas las personas del mundo, para que nadie tenga que meterse en un bote y arriesgar su vida para buscar una oportunidad en la otra parte del planeta.

Rebeca Martínez es investigadora en comunicación

Fuente de la Información: https://vientosur.info/spip.php?article14983

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Australia: Rich school, poor school: Australia’s great education divide

From orchestra pits and on-site baristas to ripped carpets and leaking roofs, this is the “infrastructure arms race” between Australia’s schools.

These 8,500 schools are ranked from highest to lowest on the income ladder, according to their average yearly income between 2013 and 2017.

Circles are sized by total spend on new facilities and renovations in that peri40,000,000$35,000,000$30,000,000$25,000,000$20,000,000$15,000,000$10,000,000$5,000,000$0

Wesley College, VIC
Income $104.6m
Cap. exp. $96.7m
Cap. exp. govt. $30,747

Extensive redevelopment includes a $21m music school, $16m boarding facility and $2.3m visual arts and design precinct. Currently fundraising for $2.5m refurbishment of Wesley Boathouse.
Haileybury College, VIC
Income $98.1m
Cap. exp. $103.5m
Cap. exp. govt. $455,466

New campus Haileybury City features an indoor sports facility, a dedicated floor for music, art and drama and two terrace gardens. Classrooms with floor to ceiling windows offer 180-degree views of the city.
Caulfield Grammar, VIC
Income $95.1m
Cap. exp. $101.8m
Cap. exp. govt. $577,709

Fundraising for a new aquatic centre, featuring an Olympic-sized pool with moveable floors and walls, and wellbeing spaces for dance, pilates, meditation and yoga.
Australia’s four richest schools spent more on new facilities and renovations than the poorest 1,800 schools combined.
Knox Grammar, NSW
Income $83.8m
Cap. exp. $100.1m
Cap. exp. govt. $458,151

$47m performing arts centre includes 750-seat auditorium with adjustable orchestra pit and 160-seat intimate performance space. Senior academy features a cafe with on-site barista.

Enrolments grew 30% between 2013 and 2018.

Wesley College, Haileybury College and Caulfield Grammar in Melbourne, together with Knox Grammar in Sydney, spent $402 million. They teach fewer than 13,000 students.

The poorest 1,800 schools spent less than $370 million. They teach 107,000 students.

Melbourne Grammar School, VIC
Income $69.6m
Cap. exp. $61m
Cap. exp. govt. $14,101

$30m science and technology hub features a rooftop terrace with a weather monitoring station.
Pymble Ladies’ College, NSW
Income $67.4m
Cap. exp. $67.7m
Cap. exp. govt. $420,633

$34m Centenary Sports Precinct features 50m eight-lane pool with multiple diving platforms, fitness centre, learn-to-swim pool and remedial treatment rooms.
Scotch College, VIC
Income $58m
Cap. exp. $70.1m
Cap. exp. govt. $14,569

$32m Sir Zelman Cowen Centre for Science includes a rooftop learning area, 200-seat presentation space and «experiential laboratory».
SHORE – Sydney Church of England Grammar School, NSW
Income $55.2m
Cap. exp. $50.5m
Cap. exp. govt. $340,895

$52m Shore Physical Education Centre — the largest building project in the school’s history — due in 2020. Includes 11 learning spaces and seminar rooms, a 50m indoor pool and a multi-purpose sports complex.
St Kevin’s College, VIC
Income $48.3m
Cap. exp. $40.9m
Cap. exp. govt. $347,173

The 5.5 hectare Tooronga Fields — «the largest privately-owned sporting facility in Australasia» — includes three FIFA-regulation soccer pitches, an AFL field, 12 cricket nets, 12 tennis courts and an athletics track.
Hale School, WA
Income $45.8m
Cap. exp. $34.9m
Cap. exp. govt. $467,740

Completed $16m Junior School redevelopment in 2018 and aquatic centre in 2014. Existing facilities include 2 pools, 2 gymnasiums, indoor climbing wall, 18 tennis courts and 5 cricket grounds with turf wickets.
Camberwell Grammar School, VIC
Income $39.4m
Cap. exp. $73m
Cap. exp. govt. $293,499

$45m sports and aquatic facility, 200-seat chapel and function centre completed 2016.
All Hallows’ School, QLD
Income $37.0m
Cap. exp. $55.9m
Cap. exp. govt. $2.3m

Opened $7.7m, five-storey ‘Mary Place’ in 2015. Includes 15 classrooms, enclosed courtyard and new tennis/netball court.
Somerville House, QLD
Income $35.5m
Cap. exp. $52.8m
Cap. exp. govt. $2m

Master Plan includes «The Annex» building, offering world-class boarding and dining, an extension of the artistic gymnastics facility, a School Art Gallery and Museum, and expansion of the auditorium from 980 to 1,500 seats.
The richest 1% of schools spent $3 billion. The poorest 50% spent $2.6 billion combined.
The poorest 50% of schools teach nearly five times as many students.
St Aloysius’ College, NSW
Income $31.4m
Cap. exp. $21.1m
Cap. exp. govt. $160,300

Seeking approval for an $80m «revitalisation» of its three campuses, including a new learning precinct with rooftop amphitheatre and subterranean sports facility.
Brisbane State High School, QLD
Income $31m
Cap. exp. $47m
Cap. exp. govt. $46.8m

Enrolments grew 35% between 2013 and 2018. Added 40 new classrooms in 2016 as part of a $35m redevelopment to address overcrowding. By 2017, overcrowding was again an issue.
Willetton Senior High School, WA
Income $28.2m
Cap. exp. $52.3m
Cap. exp. govt. $52.3m

Six public schools in Australia spent more than $50m on capital works. All were part of the WA government’s plan to help public schools meet forecast enrolment growth.

Willetton’s $52m redevelopment included new buildings for art, media, textiles, science and technology. The original buildings were constructed in the 1970s.

Lourdes Hill College, QLD
Income $21.6m
Cap. exp. $32.9m
Cap. exp. govt. $2.9m

$20m «Bernadette Centre» houses a sports centre, 200-seat chapel, 600-seat theatre, science labs, drama workshops, music rooms, classrooms and rooftop play area overlooking Brisbane River and CBD.
Trinity Catholic College, NSW
Income $19.6m
Cap. exp. $2.9m
Cap. exp. govt. $352,153

Received $2.75m federal grant in 2019 for new facilities, including an art annex and staff office, and refurbishment of gymnasium and art studio. Enrolments fell by 3% between 2013 and 2018.
Arthur Phillip High School, Parramatta Public School NSW
$325m redevelopment of Parramatta Public and Arthur Phillip High School sites is the state’s largest public school infrastructure project. New high school for 2,000 students will be NSW’s first high-rise public school.
South Coast Baptist College, WA
Income $11m
Cap. exp. $7m
Cap. exp. govt. $873,707

Enrolments grew 65% between 2013 and 2018. Received $1.5m federal grant in 2018 for construction of 3 science laboratories, STEM studio, materials technology studios, planning studio and machine rooms.
Marist Catholic College Penshurst, NSW
Income $10.3m
Cap. exp. $36.4m
Cap. exp. govt. $5.5m

Opened La Valla Learning Centre in 2016, featuring 12 classrooms, a library and tuition rooms. Other projects include a new admin building, theatrette, and music and drama spaces. Received $3.5m federal government grant in 2018. Constructing a second campus to cope with enrolments.
St Martins Lutheran College, SA
Income $8.3m
Cap. exp. $4.1m
Cap. exp. govt. $890,649

Opened two new classrooms and a new Middle School building in 2018. Received $941k federal grant in 2019 for a new two-storey building with a food and hospitality centre, art rooms and exhibition space.
Wales Street Primary School, VIC
Income $5.6m
Cap. exp. $450,536
Cap. exp. govt. $428,268

Overcrowding and infrastructure issues included leaking roofs, a school hall that accommodates only half the students, and non-compliant toilets, wiring and plumbing. Received $4.1m in the 2019-20 State Budget for an upgrade.
Parramatta East Public School, NSW
Income $4.0m
Cap. exp. $272,298
Cap. exp. govt. $214,034

50% enrolment growth since 2013. Has 10 toilets for more than 500 students and 4 times as many demountables as permanent classrooms. No upgrades planned.
Sheidow Park Primary School, SA
Income $2.8m
Cap. exp. $25,005
Cap. exp. govt. $0

No new buildings or renovations since the Rudd government’s post-GFC school building program.

At the end of each school year, Sheidow Park Primary School principal Jennie-Marie Gorman takes a walk around the school with the finance officer and the groundsman.

They pass windows held together by safety screens. They inspect the playgrounds built 20 years ago. They note the walls that haven’t been painted in 15 years.

And they look again at the patch of exposed concrete in the front office, where the finance officer’s swivel chair has worn a hole in the carpet. That hole will be fixed in about five years, if all goes to schedule.

“We have a plan to carpet two to three classrooms a year, based on need, so the ones with the biggest holes in them or the biggest rips get replaced first,” Ms Gorman says.

“We also need new carpet in the office but we look at what the children need first and we put ourselves at the end of the line — which is just normal teacher stuff. That’s just how we operate.”

Sheidow Park Primary is one of more than 1,300 schools across Australia that spent less than $100,000 on new facilities and renovations while the nation’s four richest schools spent roughly $100 million — each.

An ABC News investigation has revealed for the first time the gaping divide that separates the capital expenditure of Australia’s richest and poorest schools.

It is based on school finance figures from the My School website — a dataset so tightly held that in the decade since its creation, it has only been released to a handful of researchers under strict conditions. Independently compiled by ABC News, it provides a more detailed picture of school income and expenditure than any publicly available data.

The investigation, which encompasses more than 8,500 schools teaching 96 per cent of students, reveals:

  • Half of the $22 billion spent on capital projects in Australian schools between 2013 and 2017 was spent in just 10 per cent of schools
  • These schools teach fewer than 30 per cent of students and are the country’s richest, ranked by average annual income from all sources (federal and state government funding, fees and other private funding) over the five-year period.
  • They also reaped 28 per cent (or $2.4 billion) of the $8.6 billion in capital spending funded by government.

University of Sydney associate professor Helen Proctor described the figures as “extraordinary”.

“Certainly the public investment in private schools, and the public investment in the wealthiest schools, is a factor,” she said.

“They have that security of their operating costs being heavily subsidised — or, for some schools, completely covered — so they can use other money for their building projects.”

Sheidow Park Primary School spent $25,005 over the five-year period. It received no capital funding from government.

“The school has never had lots of money and principals have had to be very careful with what they’ve done,” Ms Gorman says.

“The learning that’s happening is great, we just don’t look as shiny as everywhere else’.”

Sheidow Park Primary is a public school 20km south of Adelaide. Its sits among the poorest 20 per cent of schools on the income ladder.

Despite soaring enrolments — student numbers have nearly doubled since 2013 — the last major capital project at Sheidow Park was a gymnasium completed in 2011 as part of the Rudd government’s school building program, known as Building the Education Revolution.

“At the end of the year, when we walk around the school, it’s not: ‘This needs fixing, so we’ll fix it’. It’s always… ‘What’s the worst of the worst?’” Ms Gorman says.

“It’s tricky because you don’t want to be the poor neighbour down the road. You want to put your best foot forward… But I guess it’s the inequity that annoys me the most.”

You don’t have to look far to find that inequity. About half an hour’s drive north is Saint Ignatius’ College in Athelstone, a Catholic school among the richest 10 per cent in Australia. It spent just over $30 million on capital projects (including $124,000 from the federal government) in the same period Sheidow Park spent $25,005.

Enrolments at Saint Ignatius’ shrunk by roughly five per cent over that period.

Fuente de la Información: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-08-13/rich-school-poor-school-australias-great-education-divide/11383384

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Argentina: Más de la mitad de las víctimas de femicidio son jóvenes

Más de la mitad de las víctimas de femicidio son jóvenes

Un “Informe sobre femicidios y homicidios dolosos de mujeres en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires”, elaborado por la Unidad Fiscal Especializada en Violencia contra las Mujeres (UFEM), del Ministerio Público Fiscal de la Nación, arrojó esta semana datos alarmantes.

Según el material, difundido este martes, en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires hubo, solamente en 2018, un total de 19 homicidios dolosos de mujeres, y el 47 % de ellos fueron considerados femicidios. También de acuerdo a los datos brindados por el documento, el 55 % de las víctimas tenía entre 18 y 39 años.

Los números se desprenden del cuarto informe de la UFEM, que confirma que primaron, en un 66%, los femicidios cometidos «en el ámbito intrafamiliar”, mientras que el 32 % restante de los casos corresponden a mujeres que fueron víctimas de homicidios dolosos. En total, 21 personas, en su mayoría niñes, perdieron a sus madres víctimas de femicidios.

Otro dato que alarma, para el caso de los femicidios, es el promedio de edad. Según el estudio, la media abarca los 18 a 19 años, y esto «se explica por la recurrencia de casos de homicidio de adultas mayores de 80 años en ocasión de robo”, según detalla el documento. Además, agrega que el 67 % de las víctimas de femicidio eran argentinas, mientras que el el 33 % eran migrantes: 3 de ellas estaban o habían estado en situación de prostitución, y 2 tenían alguna vinculación con las llamadas «economías ilegales».

“Resulta alta para 2018 la cantidad de casos cometidos en situación desconocida, con un 26 %. El 16 % se trató de homicidios en ocasión de robo contra mujeres mayores de 80 años”, detalla el el estudio que abarca a todos los casos de homicidios dolosos ocurridos en CABA durante ese año.

A tal fin, el estudio parte de definir al género de las víctimas desde de los conceptos vertidos en la Ley N° 26.743 de Identidad de Género. Aunque la principal causa de muerte en femicidios resultó ser el estrangulamiento (44 %), un dato notorio que se desprende del informe es la mayor incidencia de armas de fuego en el universo total de los homicidios de mujeres (26 %), “respecto de aquellos identificados como femicidios (22 %)”.

Según la investigación, en el 67 % de las víctimas conocían a sus victimarios, y en el 33 % de los casos «se verificó en el expediente la existencia de algún tipo de antecedente de violencia entre víctima y victimario, independientemente de si se formalizaron o no en denuncias judiciales.”

Además de la relación vincular, se revisaron las circunstancias en las que se desarrollaron los femicidios, de índole sexual, de crimen organizado, en contexto de encierro y travesticidio/transfemicidio. En 5 casos, se observó algún componente sexual vinculado al hecho. En tanto, según este informe, no se detectaron en 2018 casos de travesticidio/transfemicidio ni casos de femicidio en contexto de encierro.

Fuente de la Información: https://laizquierdadiario.com/Mas-de-la-mitad-de-las-victimas-de-femicidio-son-jovenes

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Estados Unidos: Here are answers to your questions about education in Alabama

Here are answers to your questions about education in Alabama

We asked readers to submit their questions about education in Alabama, through a question and answer service called Hearken. Here we’re answering those questions, and will continue to answer more as they come in. Scroll to the bottom of this post to submit your own!

We received a number of questions about school buses, which seems appropriate given that as of today, 129 school districts and three of the state’s charter schools (out of four) have started school.

I’d love to know why kids way down on 280 by Grandview Hospital have to be bused into Birmingham City Schools instead of going where the surrounding area is zoned. Considering the fact that most of these kids are minorities, this seems to be a direct violation of Brown v. The Board of Education. – Anna

The simple answer is that the city limits of Birmingham extend down Highway 280 into that area. Because of the 12 different school districts in Jefferson County, kids can be bused past a nearby school if it is in another district.

Here’s what the city limits of Birmingham look like on a map. Zooming in, you can see that the city limits extend down Highway 280.

Are school buses optional for school systems or just city systems? – Michael

Under Alabama law, county school districts are required to offer transportation. City school systems and public charter schools are not required by law to offer transportation except for students who are served by special education.

Why do Homewood, Vestavia Hills, Mountain Brook, and some others not have city school buses? Has this always been the case? Have there been efforts to get schools (sic) in these districts? (Very difficult as working parent!) – Mieke

As stated in the previous answer, Alabama law only requires county school districts to offer school bus transportation for students. The law does not require city school districts nor public charter schools to offer transportation.

Why do we pay bus drivers so little if we really value the lives of our children? – Dennis

Though we aren’t able to say exactly why, school bus drivers have traditionally been paid low amounts in Alabama. However, it wasn’t until we were researching this question that we found that Alabama’s school bus drivers are among the lowest paid in the nation.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ measures for all 50 states plus the District of Columbia, Guam, the Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico in 2018, the hourly average for Alabama’s school bus drivers at $9 per hour ranked 53rd—the next-to-lowest amount, but just above Puerto Rico’s average pay of $8.71 per hour.

Bus drivers in the District of Columbia earned the highest average hourly wage, at $21.55 per hour, followed by Alaska at $21.12 per hour.

In the Southeast, Florida is the highest-paying, at $13.80 an hour on average, with Georgia close behind at an average of $13.79 an hour. Even Mississippi, at $10.34 an hour on average, pays more than Alabama.

Bus drivers in Florida and Georgia earned on average $28,700 and $28,670 per year, respectively. Those amounts are nearly $10,000 higher than Alabama’s $18,720 average.

School bus drivers in Mississippi earned $21,520 on average.

The amount school districts in Alabama pay can vary. A quick look at Hoover City Schools, for example, showed starting bus driver pay to be $15,865 which equals $21.55 per hour, working four hours per day for 184 school days. Benefits typically add 19% on top of Alabama educators’ salaries, which comes out to $19,586 with benefits.

Bus drivers can earn extra money by driving for field trips and extracurricular activities.

How do school systems look different, administratively? Birmingham doesn’t have assistant principals in elementary schools, for instance. How much of a system’s budget is spent in classrooms compared to central office or transportation? – Michael

Administration in school systems across the state by and large look similar, judging by the personnel reports they submit to the state department of education. Depending on the measure used (dollars per student, central office staff to student ratio, etc.), there are outliers.

Regarding assistant principals, the state funding formula for schools, called the Foundation Program only provides funding for assistant principals when student enrollment reaches a certain level. Elementary schools with fewer than 500 students don’t receive any state funding for assistant principals. In middle and high schools, student enrollment must reach 250, and then the state will provide half of the funding.

School systems have to use local tax support to pay for whatever the state doesn’t. In rare cases, federal funding may be used to support schools with high percentages of students in poverty.

Here’s a chart showing at what enrollment level the state funds assistant principals. It’s taken from the “State Guide to School Allocations, 2018-19.”

The second question, regarding how money is spent in schools, is partially answered in this data visualization, published with our big look at school-level spending during the 2017-18 school year.

The visualizations are best viewed on a laptop, desktop, or large tablet.

Narrow down by what function (transportation, school administration, etc.) you’re interested in. Narrow down further by system. Click the top of the bar column to sort.

Seeing how much is spent on classrooms versus central office is a little bit trickier. The information published by the state department doesn’t delve into detail in that particular way. But it does break down expenditures by “direct” versus “pooled” expenditures.

“Direct” means the money was spent at the school level for students enrolled in that school. For example, that means the cost of teachers and staff that work at the school (salary and benefits), the cost of supplies or maintenance at the school, and any

“Pooled” means the money was spent on a function or service that was delivered as a result of a function housed at the central office or other non-school-based facility.

Here’s a look at that data. Narrow down by system. Click the top of any column to sort.

How do educators sign up to be trained in LETRS? – Kathy

Any Alabama public school pre-K through third-grade teacher can sign up for LETRS training at this link. LETRS training is offered to help teachers understand the science of reading, meaning how children learn to read. Read more here about the new Alabama law that requires third-grade students to be reading on grade level by 2021-22. .

Why don’t they start back after Labor Day like they did when I went to school. Get out the middle of May instead of the later part of May. It would save the systems money on air conditioning the schools in the hot August month. Their always saying they don’t have enough funding for the schools and that would be a way to cut back on expenses. – Sue

AL.com recently covered this topic, which showed 85% of voters agree with you. The director of the superintendents’ association gave a lot of reasons why school systems spread out the school year and why local boards of education should retain control the school calendar. Read more here.

These are just a few of the questions we received. Some required much more research than others, and we wanted to share these that we were able to find fairly quickly. Stay tuned for more answers.

Fuente de la Información: https://www.al.com/news/2019/08/here-are-answers-to-your-questions-about-education-in-alabama.html

 

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Estudiantes brasileños marcharán este martes contra Bolsonaro

América del Sur/ Brasil/ 13.08.2019/ Fuente: www.telesurtv.net.

Los organizadores de la jornada llamaron a unirse para defender la universidad brasileña y la educación en general con actos en todo el país.

Los estudiantes y trabajadores del sector educativo de Brasil saldrán este martes a protestar contra los recortes presupuestarios en el sector y el programa “Future se”, propuesto por el Gobierno de Jair Bolsonaro.

La Unión Nacional de Estudiantes (UNE) convocó la jornada de protestas como parte del Día Nacional de Lucha en Defensa de la Educación, ante las política implementada por el Gobierno que afecta al sector.

En declaraciones a Radio Brasil de Fato, la vicepresidenta de la UNE, Élida Elena, explicó que se confirmaron más de 150 actos en varias ciudades de todo el país.

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«Salimos a las calles para tomar nuestra indignación, nuestro deseo de defender la educación, defender la universidad brasileña y la educación en general», dijo.

Asimismo, el presidente de la UNE, Iago Montalvão, instó a sumarse en redes sociales a la protesta con la etiqueta #tsunamidaeducação, y llamó a todos los estudiantes, maestros y personas que creen en la educación para que participan en las manifestaciones.

Video insertado

Por otro lado, la UNE presentó una orden judicial para que el Ministerio de Justicia no use la Fuerza Nacional durante la jornada del 13 de agosto, ante las actividades que se realizarán en el ámbito nacional.

El programa «Future se», que permanece en consulta pública hasta el próximo 15 de agosto, establece bloqueos de fondos para la educación y pretende externalizar la financiación de la educación pública mediante el uso de fondos de empresas privadas, medidas rechazadas por el gremio.

Fuente de la noticia: https://www.telesurtv.net/news/brasil-estudiantes-protestan-rechazo-recortes-educacion–20190812-0027.html

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