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Freedom of speech concerns over drive to attract Chinese students

Asia/ China/ 23.10.2018/ Source: www.rte.ie.

Chinese students offer a substantial financial reward for Irish universities. But some academics are concerned about what a greater dependence on revenue from China could mean for freedom of speech on campus, writesYvonne Murray

«I really miss the autumn in Beijing,» said Junhan Zhang, who is studying Irish at University College Dublin, «with the smell of roasted sweet potatoes and chestnuts.»

«But Autumn in Dublin is wonderful too».

Junhan is one of the rising number of Chinese students in higher education in Ireland today.

Second only to the US in terms of students sent, China represents an important market for Ireland’s cash-strapped colleges.

It is one that a delegation of 11 universities and technical institutions, headed by the Minister of State for Training and Skills John Halligan is in Beijing to get a bigger slice of.

«The purpose of the visit is to further collaboration and cooperation with the Chinese education system» he said.

«We have 62 collaborative projects at present and we have signed four memorandums of understanding.

«We now have over 3,500 Chinese students coming to Ireland. The Chinese market is now worth €35.7 million annually.

«Our story resonates around the world – we are a small country, with a small population but a really big hitter in education,» he adds.

There were just over 1,300 study visas granted to Chinese students in 2013, rising to 2,216 last year.

Applications so far this year suggest a further 20% rise.

Many of the applicants enter via joint programmes with Chinese higher-level institutions.

John Halligan (C) with Mary Simpson Director of International Office AIT, Jack Meng, Director of Asia, Irish Ambassador Eoin O’Leary and Niall O’Donnellan Enterprise Ireland

UCD’s partnership with the Beijing University of Technology, established in 2012, sees about 40-50 Chinese students joining the science, technology and commerce departments annually, each paying fees and administration costs of between €14,000 – €16,000.

This week, Maynooth University will sign a memorandum of understanding with Fuzhou University, in the southern province of Fujian, bringing Ireland’s total number of joint partnerships with Chinese higher education institutions to five.

The Maynooth-Fuzhou joint college of engineering is expected to see 1,200 Chinese science and technology students graduate over the next four years.

Maynooth University is hoping it will lead to future research and innovation partnerships, particularly in the fields of artificial intelligence and robotics.

The bite of funding cuts

Irish universities have been feeling the pinch of austerity for the past decade. Falling budgets and staff numbers have been blamed for a drop in the world rankings tables this year.

But Ireland could stand to gain from China’s current trade and political tensions with traditional study destinations such as the US and Australia.

«There are signs that Chinese students are becoming increasingly nervous about studying in the US, largely as a result of tightened immigration restrictions,» said Ellie Bothwell, the global rankings editor at Times Higher Education.

«Recent data also show that the number of Chinese people applying for Australian higher education visas has stalled.

«It has been suggested that visa problems and geopolitical tensions have played a factor in dampening interest.

«All this means that countries such as the UK and Ireland could see more university applications and enrolments from Chinese students in the near future,» she said.

The delegation this week is also keen to convey the message to China’s students that Ireland remains firmly within the EU, while its closest neighbour prepares to leave.

Academic freedom

But while an uptick in numbers could mean a substantial increase in fees – non-EU students pay three to four times as much in tuition as their European counterparts – some professors sound a note of caution.

«One concern about greater reliance on the Chinese market for fees is that it could prompt universities and their governing structures to be more accommodating should the Chinese authorities interfere in some way to curtail academic freedom,» said Alexander Dukalskis, assistant professor in the School of Politics and International Relations at UCD.

«We see some academic publishers that make money in the Chinese market, for example, adhere to the government’s censorship demands,» he said.

«It would be a problem if Irish universities perceived that they had to curtail academic freedom or engage in self-censorship to protect access to the Chinese student market.

«We ought to be very careful to never demonise Chinese students,» he added, «because we may not like some policies of the Chinese Communist Party.»

Restrictions on campus activities have tightened significantly in China in recent years, in line with a wider crackdown on civil society. In 2013, a document, reportedly aimed at «dangerous Western values» – which became known as the «Seven Speak Nots» – was posted online by a professor of law at a Shanghai university.

It revealed a government ban on teaching topics such as freedom of the press, human rights, judicial independence and past mistakes of the communist party. The professor, Zhang Xuezhong, was promptly dismissed from his teaching post.

Critics have accused China of attempting to also stifle debate abroad, via their Confucius Institutes – government-funded and controlled language and culture centres based on university campuses. As a result, several universities in Europe and North America have severed ties with the centres.

«The Chinese Communist Party views Confucius Institutes as a means to improve China’s image abroad,» said Prof Dukalskis.

«They are a very intentional and integral part of Beijing’s effort to cultivate a more amenable international environment for the CCP’s policies.

«Given that the Party, which ultimately controls Confucius Institutes, does not respect free academic inquiry domestically there ought to be major concerns about protecting academic freedom on campuses that host the institutes.

«For example, issues like repression in Xinjiang or Tibet, the policies and personal wealth of Xi Jinping, or the jailing of government critics are basically off-limits for academic inquiry in China and so universities abroad should be alert to the possibility that the Chinese Communist Party would seek to externalise censorship on these and similar issues,» he said.

«I am not aware of any such efforts in Ireland yet,» he added, «but there are troubling examples elsewhere that should stimulate awareness here»‘

The building of UCD’s Confucius Institute’s new premises has been stalled over a construction funding dispute.

On Friday in Beijing, Minister Halligan met with representatives of Hanban, the Confucius Institute’s governing body.

«We discussed it. We didn’t go into it in great detail,» he said, «we are engaged in further cooperation and collaboration over the next couple of weeks and months with them.»

When asked about what safeguards Irish universities have in place to protect academic freedom, he said: «We trust our universities and institutes of technology.

«I have ultimate faith, they do the right thing for their universities and for their country on that issue.»

Student life a long way from home

Fang Zhang has a PhD from Beijing Foreign Studies University and is studying Irish at UCD, on a Chinese government-sponsored scholarship.

«I understand it’s easy to have collisions in mutual understanding when it relates to politics,» he wrote in an email exchange, «but I feel myself as a patriot and I do not believe it is fair to criticise everything we are doing in China.»

«It is more complicated than Westerners believe,» he added. «It is easy to criticise the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government, but without it, China would never grow as a strong country.»

A long way from China, Fang sometimes gets homesick, «mostly because of the food,» he said.

It is a sentiment echoed by Junhan.

«I have problems adjusting to the cuisine,» she said, «it is too oily and sweet.»

Despite the culinary challenges, both students feel welcome in Ireland. «You scarcely see cold faces like in some other countries,» explains Fang.

They will spend two years at UCD before returning home to teach Irish in Beijing.

«For the second year here, I would love to live with an Irish family, » said Junhan. «It is better if they have pets, have interests towards China and Chinese culture.»

«And accept Chinese cooking,» she adds.

Source of the notice: https://www.rte.ie/news/world/2018/1021/1005637-china-students-ireland/

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China limitará el acceso a juegos online para reducir la miopía en niños y adolescentes

Asia/China/18 Octubre 2018/Fuente: Cinco noticias

El Gobierno chino afirma que con esta medida solo busca reducir la tasa de miopía en menores, pero las grandes empresas están seguras de que los motivos no tienen nada que ver con la salud ocular de los jóvenes…

El Ministerio de Educación de China trabaja en la implementación de nuevas medidas para regular el tiempo que los niños pasan frente a los ordenadores jugando a juegos online. Según informó el portal Eurogamer, la preocupación del presidente chino Xi Jinping es cuidar la visión de los pequeños y prevenir enfermedades degenerativas como la miopía.

Un futuro brillante

El Jefe de Estado dijo durante una comparecencia que quiere dejar que los niños tengan un “futuro brillante”, y por eso ha optado por promover esta regulación.

El Gobierno alega que el uso excesivo de aparatos electrónicos está aumentando la tasa de miopía en niños, lo que, en palabras de su portavoz, “se ha convertido en un gran problema que afecta el futuro del país”.

El Plan de Implementación para la Prevención y Control de Miopía para Niños y Adolescentes se anuncia en el portal web de la institución como una medida para proteger los ojos de los jóvenes del desgaste, pero no todo el mundo está de acuerdo con esa afirmación.

Preocupación o restricción

Las grandes compañías afirman que esta decisión, que se disfraza de preocupación, no es otra cosa que una manera de limitar el acceso a este tipo de entretenimiento. Esta campaña confirma la sospecha de represión que empezó a fraguarse tras la noticia de que el Gobierno chino no había aprobado licencias para lanzar algunos juegos.

La restricción aplicará al número total de juegos disponibles, al tiempo de conexión de los usuarios y a los nuevos títulos lanzados tras la entrada en vigor de la medida. Además, el plan tiene previsto revisar el sistema de clasificación por edades vigente en la actualidad.

Sus expectativas son que la tasa de miopía en niños y adolescentes se reduzca 0.5 puntos porcentuales para el año 2023.

Fuente: https://www.cinconoticias.com/china-limita-juegos-online-para-reducir-miopia/

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Australia: Economy relies on China as international students prop up our universities

Oceania/ Australia/ 17.10.2018/ Source: www.news.com.au.

IT WAS 3.30pm as I waited at a popular Melbourne cafe in the heart of the city. I had arranged to meet Xing Wu, a 32-year-old Chinese international student from the Fujian Province in the southeast of China.

I had arrived early — enough time to sit back and watch pedestrian traffic. I couldn’t help but notice the high levels of young Asian students streaming past to Central Station, across the road from the city campus of RMIT.

When Xing arrived, I offered the traditional Western greeting of a handshake and a hello. In return, he offered me the traditional Chinese custom of a gift — in this case a sweet Chinese berry drink, bought from one of Melbourne’s ever-increasing supply of Asian specialty stores.

I had arranged to speak with Xing to better understand his experience. Why study here?

Why travel thousands of kilometres and pay exorbitant fees? In Xing’s case, he has paid around $64,000 for a two-year accounting course.

His response was surprisingly simple and relatable: “I wanted to experience the outside world. Away from the Chinese regional life where my father works as a public servant and my mother who is a retired factory worker.”

When discussing his studies, Xing laments the hardest part of his course is the high level of English proficiency required.

While he had hoped to improve his English here, one of the biggest challenges is that he’s just one of thousands of other Chinese students in Australia. He’s much more likely to speak Mandarin in his day-to-day interactions than English.

“There were so many Chinese students in the class, everyone reverted back to speaking it together.”

Xing’s insight isn’t surprising. He is just one of 187,547 Chinese International Students who were enrolled to study in Australia in 2017-18.

Education is Australia’s third largest export after iron ore and coal, other industries heavily reliant on the Chinese purchasing power.

It’s a statistic that worries Peter Jennings. He was a senior adviser for strategic policy in the Howard government, and he’s now executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a think tank focused on international relations and defence.

“Australian Universities are overly reliant on Chinese international students, causing an unhealthy dependence from catering to this market” Mr Jennings said.

“This (over-reliance) has left many universities highly vulnerable to either a natural reduction in Chinese students, or at the potential whim of the Chinese Government.”

While that sounds alarmist, Mr Jennings believes there’s sinister activity already occurring.

“There have been cases of Chinese students reporting back to the Chinese Embassy on fellow students that have not followed Beijing rhetoric.”

“It is a possible scenario that China could ban their students from attending Australian Universities over a diplomatic row.”

Mr Jennings believes Australian universities need to cap the number of students they accept from each country, in order to avoid being overly reliant on one economy.

“Australian universities need to stop being so greedy. The ongoing obsession of universities to continue to expand enrolments from international students needs to stop. If this results in a reduction of revenue, that is the price that needs to be paid.”

This year there are nearly 200,000 Chinese students studying in Australia. Picture: The Department of Education and Training

This year there are nearly 200,000 Chinese students studying in Australia. Picture: The Department of Education and TrainingSource:Supplied

While a worst-case scenario of a full withdrawal of Chinese nationals enrolled in Australian universities might appear far-fetched, there have been recent examples of

serious push back from the Chinese Government over international disagreements.

One example that has caused South Korea pain is Seoul’s agreement to deploy the US Terminal High Altitude Area Defence system to counter military threats from North Korea.

Beijing countered this decision by putting in place a consumer boycott of certain products. Hyundai in particular was hurt badly. Sales dropped by 64 per cent in the second quarter of 2017.

The company’s own research institute said this led to a revenue loss of $21 billion.

Australia has also felt the threat from Beijing in recent years.

When former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull attempted to introduce laws that would have banned foreign political donations, required registration of lobbyists, and strengthened anti-espionage laws the blow back from Beijing was swift — despite

the idea being blocked in parliament.

In the following weeks Australia was voted “the most unfriendly country” to China in 2017 in a poll of about 14,000 Chinese citizens conducted by the tabloidGlobal Times(owned by the People’s Daily).

MORE: Tensions rise as Chinese Government’s influence infiltrates Aussie universities

But Universities Australia deputy chief executive Catriona Jackson doesn’t think there’s cause for alarm.

“International education has been a huge success story for Australia — one that has been built up deliberately and strategically over the past 60 years,” she said.

“Not only does international education bring $32 billion worth of export income to our economy and support 130,000 jobs — it gives Australia access to a future network of business and political leaders and makes an important contribution to Australia’s foreign policy, soft power diplomacy and regional security.”

She dismissed Mr Jennings’s arguments as “a distraction”, confident that the sector would continue to thrive.

Returning to Xing’s story, it’s clear he, along with all other international students, are providing this country with much more than money.

Looking at the stores and restaurants surrounding RMIT, you can see that Melbourne, like many other Australian cities, is changing.

And even if many of the students frequenting those businesses eventually go home to China, we’re making global connections with tomorrow’s leaders, changing the way they think.

Xing sums it up well. After a lifetime of learning in China where he was told to listen and follow, he’s now been taught to “think critically and embrace an independent learning model”. Although he plans to return home to look after his parents, his world view has been impacted for life. And it could affect generations to come.

Source of the notice: https://www.news.com.au/finance/economy/australian-economy/economy-relies-on-china-as-international-students-prop-up-our-universities/news-story/6bea7fc2c0c7dbd364346b74722c67df

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Reeducation Camps for Muslims’? The Truth About Islam in China

Asia/ China/ 15.09.2018/ Source: sputniknews.com.

The Trump administration is considering sanctions against China for its alleged violations of human rights in the form of so-called «reeducation centers» for the predominantly Muslim Uyghur minority in northwestern China. But what’s the real situation like for Chinese Muslims? Do ‘reeducation camps’ for Muslims really exist? Sputnik explores.

Along with Buddhism, Taoism, Catholicism and Protestantism, Islam is one of the five religious denominations in China with the status of a «major religion,» with freedom of worship officially protected under the Chinese Constitution of 1982.

Earlier this year, the Chinese government published a white paper entitled «China’s Policies and Practices on Protecting Freedom of Religious Belief,» laying out state policy toward religion, including Islam. In this document, it’s estimated that China has a Muslim population of over 20 million, with 57,000 clerical personnel serving in 35,000 mosques throughout the country, as well as 10 Islamic religious schools.

The white paper emphasizes that Muslim customs, including those «regarding food and drink, clothing, festivals, marriages and funerals,» are fully respected, and that the Islamic Association of China, the official representative organ of Chinese Muslims, organizes pilgrimages to Saudi Arabia each year, with over 10,000 participants sponsored over the last decade.

Opposition to Religious Extremism & Foreign Interference

Pointing to efforts to combat religious extremism, the document emphasizes that China’s «Islamic community focuses on interpreting the thoughts in its religious doctrine of patriotism, peace, unity, tolerance and the Middle Path, serving to form correct belief, discerning right from wrong, opposing secession, and resisting religious extremism.» Multiple religious and academic seminars and conferences have been held with these issues in mind in recent years.

Finally, and crucially, the white paper notes that while the Chinese government «supports and encourages» religious organizations to develop ties with religious groups overseas, it will «resolutely oppose» any attempts to «interfere in China’s religious affairs» or «subvert the Chinese government and socialist system under the guise of religion.»

Ethnic Breakdown

About half of China’s Muslim population (or about 10.5 million people) consists of the Hui – ethnic Han Chinese and descendants of Arab and Persian merchants integrated into Chinese society and culture but practicing the Islamic faith, and concentrated in the provinces of Ningxia, Gansu and Yunnan in the country’s north and south.

The Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic group concentrated in the country’s northwest, mainly in Xinjiang province, are the second-largest Muslim group, with an estimated population of about 10 million (although some estimates suggest it to be higher).The remainder of China’s population of Muslims consists mostly of settlers from Central Asia, including ethnic Uzbeks, Kazakhs and Tajiks, as well as immigrants from the Middle East and Africa, with the latter concentrated in China’s major cities.

In the years immediately following the communist victory in the Chinese civil war in 1949, all of China’s Muslim groups, like worshipers from all other religions, were subjected to repression, including violence, arrests, and the closure and destruction of mosques and Islamic schools. However, starting in 1978, two years after the death of Mao Zedong, the country’s leadership began to adopt a variety of acts guaranteeing human rights, including the freedom of worship.

The Uyghur Issue

In connection with the persistent threats of terrorism and separatism in Xinjiang motivated by Pan-Turkic and Uyghur nationalism as well as Islamist fanaticism, the Chinese government has taken a number of measures which some Uyghur activists and Western human rights organizations have deemed excessive.

From time to time, both in Xinjiang and other areas of China, Uyghur separatism and Islamism have spilled out into violence involving gun, bomb, knife and car ramming attacks. In 2009, Uyghur demonstrations and violence in Xinjiang’s capital of Urumqi over a civil disturbance by Uyghur factory workers in the south Chinese city of Shaoguan ended in over 1,500 arrests and at least 197 deaths. In the years before and since, China has faced a number of other terrorist incidents, including the 1992 and 1997 Urumqi bombings, the 2010 Aksu bombing, the 2011 Hotan attack, the 2011 Kashgar attacks, the 2014 Urumqi attack, the 2015 Guangzhou attacks, and the 2016 car ramming attack against the Chinese Embassy in neighboring Kyrgyzstan. In the war in Syria, an estimated 10,000 Uyghur Salafist jihadists, allied to the Nusra Front,* have been involved in the war against the Syrian government and its allies.

‘Reeducation Camps?’

In late 2017, an investigation by the Associated Press concluded that thousands or even tens of thousands of Uyghurs had been sent to detention camps for extremism, with such imprisonment lasting between three months and two years, during which time Uyghurs are forced to learn Mandarin (China’s lingua franca), as well as the principles of «ethnic unity, de-radicalization and patriotism.»Last month, a UN survey citing «credible reports» and expertise by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the exiled World Uyghur Congress, and other groups, expanded the claims against China, estimating that over one million Uyghurs have been detained, and charging Beijing with racism and the unequal treatment of ethnic minorities.

According to the UN report, these «re-education camps for Muslims» subjected detainees to «brainwashing,» extreme surveillance, and even torture.

Chinese officials have refuted the report, telling the UN Panel on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination that the claims were «completely untrue» and emphasizing that there was no such thing as «reeducation centers» in China.

Officials did acknowledge that individuals who had been «deceived by religious extremism» were given mandatory vocational training, language, cultural, ideological, and legal lessons, as well as psychological counselling. However, it’s crucial to distinguish between efforts to rehabilitate those afflicted by extremism, and claims of a widespread discriminatory campaign specifically directed against Muslims. Furthermore, with Islamist and separatist extremism being issues which traditionally affect only a tiny minority of a given community, the idea that Chinese authorities could detain upwards of ten percent of the entire Uyghur population is absurd.

Last month, a Sputnik investigation revealed that the organization responsible for the creation of the initial UN report, the Uyghur Human Rights Project, was founded by the Uyghur American Association in 2004 with a supporting grant from the National Endowment for Democracy. The latter group, chaired by Arizona Senator John McCain from 1993 until his death in 2018, has been the vanguard of US-sponsored regime change, according to independent journalist Stephen Lendman. Other organizations contributing to the UN report, such as Human Rights Watch, have received donations from Hungarian-American billionaire George Soros, with other contributors, including Radio Liberty, being directly associated with the US government and intelligence services including the CIA.

Source of the notice: https://sputniknews.com/analysis/201810141068875304-islam-in-china-analysis/

 

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China legaliza los ‘centros de educación’ para extremistas en la región uigur de Xinjiang

Redacción: Mundo Sputniknews

El comité permanente de la Asamblea de Representantes del Pueblo de la Región Autónoma de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, adoptó enmiendas a las normativas sobre el extremismo en esa región uigur, que permiten a las autoridades locales crear los llamados ‘centros de reeducación’ para los extremistas.

«Los gobiernos populares de nivel superior al de condado tienen derecho a crear organizaciones de formación y corrección, así como departamentos de control, incluidos centros de formación profesional y centros educativos para la formación y el cambio de personas que se sometieron a la influencia del extremismo», dice el comunicado divulgado después de la reunión del comité.

De acuerdo con el documento, las organizaciones y los individuos deben «contrarrestar la propagación del extremismo, detectar y denunciar las declaraciones y los actos extremistas».

A finales de agosto, el Comité para la Eliminación de la Discriminación Racial (CERD, por sus siglas en inglés) de la ONU se mostró preocupado, en conclusiones presentadas tras la evaluación de varios informes chinos sobre los derechos de las minorías étnicas, por la detención de uigures en cantidades entre «decenas de miles y más de un millón» en los ‘centros de reeducación’ en Xinjiang.

En sus observaciones, el comité de las Naciones Unidas remarcó los «numerosos informes» sobre la detención de un gran número de uigures y miembros de otras minorías musulmanas, que «se mantienen incomunicados, a menudo por largos períodos, sin ser imputados ni enjuiciados», bajo el pretexto de la lucha contra el terrorismo y el extremismo religioso.

Los expertos del CERD llamaron a las autoridades chinas a «acabar con la práctica de detener en instalaciones extralegales a individuos que no han sido imputados, enjuiciados y condenados por un cargo criminal», así como a «liberar inmediatamente a los individuos actualmente detenidos bajo esas circunstancias».

Al comentar las conclusiones del comité de la ONU, el Ministerio de Exteriores de China afirmó que esos datos carecen de pruebas y no corresponden a la realidad.

Audio: Las 56 etnias de China: el desafío de integrar un Estado plurinacional

Hua Chunying, portavoz de la Cancillería china, aseguró que, como miembro de la Convención Internacional para la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación Racial, su país cumple plenamente con todos sus compromisos internacionales y, como muchos otros países, toma medidas preventivas para luchar contra el terrorismo.

Fuente: https://mundo.sputniknews.com/asia/201810101082630501-china-region-de-xinjiang/

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Las leyes de datos de la UE ponen en riesgo las colaboraciones de investigación de China

Asia/China/.universityworldnews.com

Universidades en Europa que comparten datos de investigación con instituciones en China podrían violar las nuevas leyes de la Unión Europea sobre protección de datos, dijeron expertos legales en una advertencia que podría tener un impacto en las colaboraciones de investigación Europa-China, particularmente en el campo médico y algunas áreas de inteligencia artificial. 

El nuevo Reglamento general de protección de datos de la UE (GDPR), que entró en vigor en mayo, establece normas estrictas para el uso de datos personales, incluidas todas las áreas de investigación académica y científica, y abarca la transferencia de datos fuera de la UE, incluida China.

«El camino es algo accidentado cuando se trata de compartir datos personales en colaboraciones de investigación con China», dijo Henk Kummeling, rector (rector magnificus) de la Universidad de Utrecht en los Países Bajos y profesor de derecho, economía y gobierno. 

La cooperación en el campo académico con China «ofrece oportunidades únicas, pero también riesgos cuando se trata del manejo de datos, especialmente datos de investigación personal», dijo en un seminario sobre cooperación Europa-China celebrado en Oxford en el Reino Unido el 1 de octubre. 

Stijn van Deursen, investigador de la Universidad de Utrecht, dijo que el GDPR se aplica al uso de datos personales en la investigación y cubre el procesamiento de datos, incluida su distribución y eliminación, con las normas de la UE que hacen que el investigador y la universidad sean responsables del control de los datos y de cualquier Violaciones de la GDPR.

«El principal objetivo [de la GDPR] es garantizar la protección del régimen de la UE que viaja con los datos, donde sea que vayan los datos», por lo que las protecciones se conservan incluso si los datos se comparten o utilizan fuera de la UE con terceros países, dijo . 

Acuerdos vinculantes con terceros países

Con respecto a terceros países fuera de la UE, las normas de protección deben establecerse en acuerdos vinculantes y deben ser reglas «que no puedan verse afectadas por el poder del estado», dijo Van Deursen. 

Algunos países, como Australia, ya han indicado que se ajustarán al régimen GDPR de la UE y Japón ha anunciado que también pondrá sus propias leyes en línea con el GDPR. 

Pero Kummeling señaló un posible «choque cultural» con China. La UE consagra derechos individuales, por ejemplo en sus leyes y en el nivel constitucional, pero en China «está en algún lugar en la legislación pero no en la constitución, y en la medida en que está en la constitución [china], una pequeña parte, es No es legalmente vinculante ”, dijo. 

De acuerdo con la nueva ley, el consentimiento para el uso de datos personales debe obtenerse y el consentimiento «debe ser explícito y dado libremente». Los datos solo se pueden transferir si no son «repetitivos» y «se refieren solo a un número limitado de personas interesadas».

«Los datos personales son cualquier tipo de datos que se pueden rastrear directa o indirectamente a un individuo, una persona viva natural, una definición muy amplia que también cubre los datos cubiertos en un contexto de investigación», dijo Van Deursen, agregando que la regulación de la UE es particularmente estricto en la información personal sensible que puede revelar preferencias religiosas o sexuales. 

Problema de la supervisión independiente

«Mirando a través de este lente en China, vemos algunos problemas que podrían obstaculizar la cooperación en la investigación», dijo Van Deursen. «No existe un marco coherente [en China] con respecto a la protección de datos personales», como sería requerido por la UE. Más particularmente, algunos organismos públicos chinos están excluidos del alcance de las propias regulaciones de China.

«China tampoco tiene una autoridad de supervisión independiente, lo que sería problemático desde el punto de vista de la UE, y derechos de datos menos exigibles para los sujetos en comparación con la UE, como el derecho a la corrección y el derecho a no ser olvidado», dijo Van Deursen. 

«El estado de derecho parece estar menos establecido en China», señaló. «Muchos acuerdos concertados entre universidades e investigadores pueden verse afectados por todo tipo de fuerzas gubernamentales, lo que, por supuesto, reduce las posibilidades de establecer salvaguardas para garantizar la protección de datos», dijo en el seminario. 

Dentro de China, las regulaciones se hicieron públicas en abril.Todos los datos deben enviarse a los centros de datos del gobierno chino, lo que «desde una perspectiva de protección de datos también es un desarrollo muy preocupante», dijo Van Deursen. Las normas de la UE dicen que el uso de datos debe ser supervisado por una «autoridad independiente en el país de origen». 

La ley de protección de la información personal de China está actualmente pendiente ante el Congreso Nacional Popular de China, que los investigadores chinos creen que cumplirá con los requisitos del GDPR.

«No estamos muy seguros de eso», dijo Kummeling, señalando los estrictos requisitos de GDPR, «pero lo que sí estamos seguros es que esta nueva legislación en China no entrará en vigor antes del año 2023, así que mientras tanto puede estar seguro de que habrá problemas en la evaluación de la transferencia de datos personales dentro del marco legal de la UE y también en el intercambio de investigaciones ”. 

Las normas existentes sobre datos personales en China permiten el consentimiento implícito o silencioso del uso de datos que sería inadecuado desde la perspectiva de la UE. 

«Las instituciones de investigación no son plenamente conscientes de cuáles serán las implicaciones del GDPR», reconoció Van Deursen. Pero «el paso más importante es decidir qué son los datos personales y cuáles no».

Donde la investigación involucra datos personales, «entonces es muy problemático compartir con China. Debe dejar de compartir datos con China o con cualquier otro país que no coincida con las normas de la UE «.

Fuente: http://www.universityworldnews.com/article.php?story=20181005135517574

Imagen tomada de: http://www.netimperative.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/eu-data.jpg

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China legaliza los ‘centros de educación’ para extremistas en la región uigur de Xinjiang

Asia/China/11 Octubre 2018/Fuente: Sputnicknews

El comité permanente de la Asamblea de Representantes del Pueblo de la Región Autónoma de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, adoptó enmiendas a las normativas sobre el extremismo en esa región uigur, que permiten a las autoridades locales crear los llamados ‘centros de reeducación’ para los extremistas.

«Los gobiernos populares de nivel superior al de condado tienen derecho a crear organizaciones de formación y corrección, así como departamentos de control, incluidos centros de formación profesional y centros educativos para la formación y el cambio de personas que se sometieron a la influencia del extremismo», dice el comunicado divulgado después de la reunión del comité.

De acuerdo con el documento, las organizaciones y los individuos deben «contrarrestar la propagación del extremismo, detectar y denunciar las declaraciones y los actos extremistas».

A finales de agosto, el Comité para la Eliminación de la Discriminación Racial (CERD, por sus siglas en inglés) de la ONU se mostró preocupado, en conclusiones presentadas tras la evaluación de varios informes chinos sobre los derechos de las minorías étnicas, por la detención de uigures en cantidades entre «decenas de miles y más de un millón» en los ‘centros de reeducación’ en Xinjiang.

En sus observaciones, el comité de las Naciones Unidas remarcó los «numerosos informes» sobre la detención de un gran número de uigures y miembros de otras minorías musulmanas, que «se mantienen incomunicados, a menudo por largos períodos, sin ser imputados ni enjuiciados», bajo el pretexto de la lucha contra el terrorismo y el extremismo religioso.

Los expertos del CERD llamaron a las autoridades chinas a «acabar con la práctica de detener en instalaciones extralegales a individuos que no han sido imputados, enjuiciados y condenados por un cargo criminal», así como a «liberar inmediatamente a los individuos actualmente detenidos bajo esas circunstancias».

Al comentar las conclusiones del comité de la ONU, el Ministerio de Exteriores de China afirmó que esos datos carecen de pruebas y no corresponden a la realidad.

Hua Chunying, portavoz de la Cancillería china, aseguró que, como miembro de la Convención Internacional para la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación Racial, su país cumple plenamente con todos sus compromisos internacionales y, como muchos otros países, toma medidas preventivas para luchar contra el terrorismo.

Fuente: https://mundo.sputniknews.com/asia/201810101082630501-china-region-de-xinjiang/

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