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Valuing care work

15 de de marzo de el año 2016 / HDRO Research Team

Resumen: El  siguiente texto presenta un análisis del Informe sobre Desarrollo Humano de 2015 en el que se pone de manifiesto una contradicción sobre el trabajo de cuidador /cuidadora, esencial para el avance de las capacidades humanas, sin embargo, tiende a ser remunerado, a menudo infravalorado, sobre todo el trabajo de cuidado realizado por las mujeres.

The Human Development Report, 2015 highlights a contradiction: it is care work mostly undertaken by women – that makes possible much of the paid work that drives the market economy. Care work is also essential for advancing human capabilities yet, because it tends to be unpaid, it is undervalued and often taken for granted.

Estimating the market value of care work can highlight the critical contribution care workers make, and help ensure policies recognise this, as illustrated through the background research of Prof. Nancy Folbre at the University of Massachusetts Amherst (1).

Attempts to do so have occurred sporadically. For example, recognizing a housewife’s “round-the-clock” work in the household, The Supreme Court of India, recently trebled the compensation owed to the family of Mrs. Jayavantiben Trivedi roughly 25 years after she died in a road accident. A lower court had awarded Rs. 224000 (about USD 3,300) to the family, following the vehicle insurer’s argument that as a homemaker, Jayvantiben would not have earned much in her lifetime. The family’s lawyers successfully argued that the value of her work in the family should be recognised, and the Supreme Court agreed and raised the compensation to Rs. 647000 (about USD 9,500) (2).

Putting a monetary value on someone’s life is almost impossible of course. Yet, the case serves to remind us that the unpaid care work, such as meal preparation, housecleaning, laundry, the care of children and the elderly, clearly contributes to economic living standards, social well-being, and the development of human capabilities. At the same time it enables individuals to engage in paid work. Yet while paid work is assigned a monetary value and features in the national accounts, care work remains largely unmeasured and consequently invisible in economic policy discussions.

Things are changing. Due at least partly to UN resolutions insisting on improving the visibility of women’s unpaid work, many countries now administer time-use surveys asking individuals to recall their activities during the previous day. In the first decade of this century, more than 87 such surveys were conducted, more than during the entire 20th Century. Estimates of the hours worked in providing various household services provide a basis for valuing unpaid work: essentially economists can calculate how much it would cost to purchase an equivalent amount of similar work if you had to employ a cook or a nanny, for instance. This is valuation by a ‘replacement wage’. Although other approaches are possible, this is the most widely applied. It is important to note, however, that the value of unpaid work contributions cannot always – or fully – be captured in market terms. However, estimates of its monetary value, like efforts to estimate the value of environmental assets and services, can provide important insights.

Unpaid household work that leads to the production of goods (such as food for own consumption, or collection of firewood or water necessary for the household) is considered part of “production” by the System of National Accounts, and most estimates of Gross Domestic Product include approximations of the value of this work. However, the unpaid time people devote to the care of family, friends and neighbours are explicitly excluded. Although not all forms of care work are captured by time-use surveys, they do provide a useful tool for providing better estimates of hours devoted to these undervalued forms of work.
Valuation efforts, have gradually been gaining ground in national income accounting and are illuminating. Estimates differ among countries that are attempting to measure the value of unpaid care work, from 20 percent to 60 percent of GDP (3). In India unpaid care is estimated at 39 percent of GDP, in South Africa 15 percent (4). Among Latin American countries, the value for Guatemala is estimated at between 26 percent and 34 percent of official GDP, and 32 percent for El Salvador (5).

In 2008, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development published estimates of household production in 27 countries and highlighted that the value of household production as a share of GDP varies considerably. It is above 35% in several countries generally considered affluent—Australia, New Zealand and Japan and below 20% in Mexico and Korea (6).

Paying attention to these valuations can affect policy making. For example, in developing countries women spend a significant amount of time tending to basic family needs, and access to clean water and modern energy services would greatly improve their productivity. However, estimates of the return on public investments typically do not take the value of such non-market work into account. Doing so could change the way resources are allocated and projects prioritised for implementation.

This blog entry was drawn from the 2015 Human Development Report “Work for Human Development” think piece written by Nancy Folbre entitled Valuing Non-market Work

The HDialogue blog is a platform for debate and discussion. Posts reflect the views of respective authors in their individual capacities and not the views of UNDP/HDRO.

HDRO encourages reflections on the HDialogue contributions. The office posts comments that supports a constructive dialogue on policy options for advancing human development and are formulated respectful of other, potentially differing views. The office reserves the right to contain contributions that appear divisive.

Photo credit: UNDP Benin

References
(1) Folbre N. 2015. Valuing Non Market Work. Background think piece for Human Development Report 2015. UNDP
(2) Woman’s Worth. The Telegraph February 25th 2015
(3) Antonopoulos R. 2009. The Unpaid Care Work-Paid Work Connection. Working paper 86. ILO
(4) Budlender D. 2010. What Do Time Use Studies Tell Us About Unpaid Care Work? In Time Use Studies and Unpaid Care Work. UNRISD
(5) Durán, M. A., and V. Milosavlejevic. 2012. Unpaid Work, Time Use Surveys, and Care Demand Forecasting in Latin America. Working Paper 7. Fundacion BBA
(6) Ahmad, N., and S. H. Koh. 2011. Incorporating Estimates of Household Production of Non-Market Services into International Comparisons of Material Well-Being. OECD Statistics Directorate Working Paper No. 42

Fuente de la noticia: http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/valuing-care-work&prev=search

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La respuesta

Hugo Aboites

Es interesante ver que la respuesta a las afirmaciones sobre el riesgo electoral que puede generar la reforma educativa provino del Congreso y no desde la dependencia involucrada, la SEP. La pesada armadura que rodea al núcleo donde se toman las decisiones sobre la medida impide que haya una respuesta que tenga algún matiz de flexibilidad frente a lo que se acepta es un peligro. Por eso, la postura flexible tuvo que venir de otro lado. Al preguntarle al presidente de la Comisión de Educación de la cámara alta, senador Romero Hicks, si en ese contexto de riesgo podría haber marcha atrás a la reforma, su respuesta fue: “En la democracia nunca hay punto final… y sí, estamos abiertos a revisar cualquier legislación cuando haya alternativas.” (La Jornada 22/3/16, pág. 15). No es mucho, pero tampoco es nada. Y, lo más importante, es una grieta en la muralla que desde hace meses se empeña en mantener la SEP al negarse a cualquier negociación. Tampoco es una defección, pero sí es en serio, y los legisladores comienzan a dialogar respecto de propuestas con qué contenido y cómo sería una nueva ley o leyes para la reforma; se abre un horizonte muy distinto al actual.

Y hay antecedentes. Durante las largas jornadas de discusión y protestas en 2013, los legisladores fueron los interlocutores más dispuestos a escuchar la argumentación de los maestros, y algunos –del PRD– hasta se pronunciaron en contra de la reforma, pero también el panista Javier Corral llegó a decir que las leyes podrían cambiarse, y ahora el senador Romero Hicks en la misma entrevista va más lejos y agrega que siempre hemos estado abiertos para recibir propuestas de él (López Obrador) y de la CNTE, si quieren formular una alternativa. Son palabras, finalmente, pero son importantes. Si no por otra cosa, porque significan un cambio del discurso y un distanciamiento de la postura cerrada del Ejecutivo federal. Se puede interpretar que algunos en el PAN ya entendieron que, en vista de las crecientes dificultades y callejones sin salida de la reforma, no les conviene verse uniformados e incondicionales en la rigidez gubernamental priísta, y que en ese tema es mejor presentar una postura flexible y hasta condescendiente. Pero esto representa para el PRI y para la propia reforma otro riesgo: que paulatinamente otros personajes lleguen a la misma conclusión y comiencen a asumir posturas más redituables electora y políticamente hablando.

De hecho, aunque la postura pueda ser sólo discurso y apariencia, con sólo no verse como fanáticos enemigos de los maestros del país, ya eso les es útil a los partidos, pero mucho más a los profesores mismos, sean o no de la CNTE. Porque se crea un ambiente de posturas flexibles respecto de la reforma que indudablemente presiona a los sectores más radicales y duros dentro del gobierno y el empresariado.
En un conflicto, la capacidad de los actores para adaptarse a contextos muy dinámicos y cambiantes es vital. Y esa capacidad, ciertamente, no florece en medio de posturas rígidas o discursos dogmáticos, como los que hasta ahora rodean y sostienen la reforma. Las iniciativas, los movimientos rápidos e inesperados, ya no se generan desde quien posee toda la fuerza, sino desde quienes tienen muy poco poder, poco que perder, y además muy poca armadura que cargar.

La SEP no puede, por ejemplo, hacer mucho respecto de procesos como el que ocurrió este pasado fin de semana en un lugar de la costa inglesa del Canal de la Mancha. Allí se realizó el multitudinario congreso de uno de los sindicatos magisteriales más grandes e importantes de Inglaterra, el Nacional de Maestros (NUT, por sus siglas en inglés). Ante un lleno total de delegados, y a instancia expresa de su dirigencia, se presentó el caso de los docentes mexicanos frente a la reforma educativa. En la alocución, los primeros aplausos surgieron cuando se mencionó que decenas de miles de profesoras y profesores en protesta simplemente decidieron no presentar el examen, y al final –y aun sin estar presentes– las y los maestros mexicanos recibieron la ovación solidaria de más de mil delegados, maestras y maestros ingleses, que de pie rindieron un homenaje por largos minutos a su resistencia. Luego, el pleno, sin objeción alguna, aprobó enviar una comunicación al gobierno mexicano solicitando que se retiren todos los cargos a los docentes que hoy son prisioneros políticos en Oaxaca, que suspenda la reforma y que ésta se discuta con los maestros, padres de familias y expertos. No es sólo simpatía, sino también identificación, pues los docentes ingleses tienen a una ministra con una reforma, dice ella, que es una máquina que no tiene reversa, y promete convertir en una especie de escuela chárter (bajo conducción privada) cada centro educativo del país. Así, poco a poco, porque tocan fibras semejantes y sensibles o porque se han vuelto un riesgo, dentro y fuera de México se va conformando una marea de tonos distintos respecto de los maestros y de una reforma que ya llegó a su punto más alto, y ahora sólo le queda adaptarse, o comenzar a caer.

A la memoria de mi querido amigo Luis Felipe Bojalil.

Publicado en La Jornada de México

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Las escuelas primarias y secundarias de China tendrán internet en 2015

 Fuente Globalasia / 2 de Abril de 2016/

China quiere utilizar internet como instrumento de educación.  Por ese motivo, el Ministerio de Educación de China ha informado que todas las escuelas primarias y secundarias de China estarán conectadas a internet antes de finales de 2015. Según responsables del ministerio, cada escuela contará al menos con un centro de ordenadroes moderno, de acuerdo con el plan de 2015 sobre la educación digitalizada.

Escuelas primarias en China

Para lograr este ambicioso objetivo en 205, el ministerio ha pedido la colaboración entre los diversos departamentos y el apoyo de las empresas para garantizar que las escuelas primarias y secundarias en las zonas remotas y rurales menos desarrolladas económicamente tengan acceso a internet. Esta medida, supone en datos, que en 2015 se formará y evaluará a unos 2,6 millones de maestros de guardería y escuelas primarias y secundarias en tecnología informática, así como a 50.000 directores de escuelas primarias y secundarias.

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Mozambique: GRAÇA MACHEL Inaugura Universidade Pan-Africanista

O primeiro campus da African Leadership University (ALU) está situado na Maurícia, arquipélago africano no Oceano Índico. A visão dos fundadores do projecto passa por construir 25 campus em todo o continente, introduzindo mudanças na forma de ensinar. Graça Machel, antiga ministra da Educação de Moçambique, será uma das figuras presentes na inauguração oficial, que vai decorrer amanhã, 17, em Port Louis.
Para além dos 25 campus universitários em todo o continente africano, o objectivo é integrar 10 mil alunos por unidade. Nos próximos 50 anos, a instituição pretende formar 3 milhões de líderes africanos. A ALU, no entanto, está aberta a estudantes de todo o mundo.
O primeiro campus da ALU já está em funcionamento na Maurícia, onde neste momento estudam 180 alunos. São provenientes da Nigéria, Gana e Quénia, na sua maioria, mas estão representados cerca de 30 países no total – dois são originários da Jordânia. Angola tem seis estudantes na ALU.
O plano curricular é bastante diferente dos sistemas de educação africanos. Dividido num primeiro ano de base e três para a formação específica, o conceito da academia de líderes liga-se com uma ideia de liberdade e de procura individual. E está desenhado para ser um processo contínuo de busca por informação e formação – quebrando a relação clássica entre tutor-aluno e desmaterializando (na teoria, por enquanto) o valor facial do diploma.
A selecção dos professores, aberta a qualquer origem, passa por três fases – e nenhuma das fases olha especialmente para a formação do tutor. A primeira fase de selecção é uma conversa de 30 minutos onde se fala sobre a vida e pensamento do professor. Na segunda fase, a ALU pede para o candidato desenvolver um trabalho, que será depois avaliado. E a terceira fase do processo passa por uma avaliação do que se fez, em conexão com a formação de base e os objectivos da ALU.
Também o processo de selecção dos alunos é aberto. Tudo passa pela experiência de vida e pela sua história pessoal. A ALU identifica potenciais líderes através do seu perfil (há alunos que foram refugiados, que construíram escolas nas suas comunidades, entre outros exemplos).
A ALU cobra USD 10 mil/ano por aluno (com alojamento incluído). Segundo a organização, o custo total da formação para a instituição é de USD 20 mil/ano por aluno. No entanto, os estudantes seleccionados que demonstrem não ter os fundos necessários são financiados pela ALU. Os processos são individuais e analisados caso-a-caso.
Um dos fundadores e principal rosto do projecto é o empreendedor Fred Swaniker, 37 anos, natural do Gana. Swaniker viveu em diferentes países africanos até fazer 18 anos. Depois seguiu os seus estudos nos Estados Unidos da América, onde se formou e trabalhou em grandes empresas. Há alguns anos que pretende ter impacto no continente e escolheu a via da educação.
Swaniker usa a sua rede de contactos profissionais e pessoais para garantir o financiamento do projecto. É assim que a ALU financia os estudantes que não têm capacidade económica para frequentar os programas disponíveis.
Antes de escolher o percurso de formação, o primeiro ano (de quatro) é orientado apenas para o desenvolvimento de capacidades: “decisão e informação”, “comunicação de impacto”, “liderança empresarial” e “gestão de projectos”. Cada ano curricular prevê oito meses de frequência de aulas e quatro meses de estágio profissional (a ALU montou a sua estrutura em parceria com várias empresas conhecidas, que vão receber os alunos nesta fase).
Os restantes três anos dão acesso a um grau de bacharelato, que é feito em parceria com a Glasgow Caledonian University (com campus em Londres, Nova Iorque e Glasgow). A ALU desenvolve também parcerias com algumas das mais prestigiadas universidades do mundo, como a Universidade de Stanford (EUA), por exemplo.
O primeiro campus está localizado na Maurícia também por razões políticas, económicas e operacionais. O país é aberto ao exterior (a maioria dos visitantes não precisa de requerer um visto prévio, o que facilita a movimentação de pessoas) e acolheu a ALU com entusiasmo – a actual presidente da República da Maurícia, Ameenah Gurib-Fakim, também estará presente na inauguração.
A ALU é uma das ramificações do African Leadership Group, um conjunto de organizações com sede em Joanesburgo (África do Sul) que inclui, para além da universidade, a African Leadership Academy (que organiza programas pré-universitários de dois anos), a African Leadership Network (que conecta quase 2 mil líderes influentes para encorajar o comércio, o investimento e a colaboração pan-africana) e o Africa Advisory Group (consultoria e identificação de talentos).
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Ecuador: Mujeres le dicen no al abuso sexual

Fuente: El Universo/

‘Que no te toque, en esta ciudad se respeta a la mujer’ es la campaña que se presentó ayer en contra del abuso sexual que sufren las mujeres en el servicio de transporte público.

La idea nació de un grupo de estudiantes de la Espol. La propusieron al Municipio de Guayaquil y la entidad la acogió. La Fundación Metrovía, Policía Nacional, la Fundación María Guare y el Cepam se sumaron a esta iniciativa y a trabajar en esta campaña que busca concienciar a los guayaquileños a no callar y a denunciar cualquier tipo de agresión.

En el evento, que se efectuó en el cine Imax, se anunció la ruta para denunciar en el servicio de la Metrovía. Primero, la víctima debe alertar al chofer del articulado; el conductor se contacta con el guardia de la siguiente parada para que llame a la Policía; el uniformado espera en la estación y lleva a la Fiscalía al agresor y a la víctima para que ponga la denuncia.

Tatiana Ortiz, del Cepam, definió que abuso sexual es todo acto en contra de la voluntad de la mujer que se realice sobre el cuerpo o sexualidad. Por ejemplo, las palabras obscenas, miradas morbosas y/o el manoseo, eso es violencia sexual, señaló.

Según la Espol, seis de cada diez mujeres han sido víctimas de estos abusos y el 84% desconoce la normativa legal, que establece –en el artículo 170 del Código Orgánico Penal– prisión de tres a cinco años. (I)

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Contra la Homofobia: continua el trabajo por el respeto a los derechos humanos

Internacional de la Educación / Abril de 2016

La Internacional de la Educación reitera su llamado a la comunidad internacional, y en especial a los países que aún no respetan en su totalidad los derechos humanos de las personas homosexuales, “a cumplir con las obligaciones consagradas como universales, indivisibles y propias de los derechos humanos, según lo recogido en la Declaración y Plan de acción de Viena (ONU, junio de 1993)”.

La Internacional de la Educación reafirma su objetivo de asegurar un tratamiento justo para todas y todos los estudiantes y educadores por igual. La Internacional de la Educación sigue promoviendo el respeto a los derechos de las personas, la educación pública de calidad y la necesidad de que las escuelas sean lugares de trabajo y aprendizaje totalmente libres de discriminación, incluyendo la orientación sexual y la identidad de género.

Aunque el 17 de mayo de 1990 la homosexualidad se eliminó de la Clasificación internacional de enfermedades de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), las relaciones entre personas del mismo sexo se siguen criminalizando en 70 países, de los cuales cinco todavía aplican la pena de muerte a los homosexuales.

La Internacional de la Educación, aun celebrando los avances logrados en los últimos 20 años en la situación de lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transexuales (LGBT), insta a las organizaciones afiliadas a adoptar medidas más concretas para promover una educación de calidad no discriminatoria con el fin de hacer de los derechos humanos y sindicales el centro de nuestros planes de acción sindicales.

El derecho universal a la educación trae consigo la realización de otros derechos humanos, incluidos los derechos sindicales, sin discriminación de ningún tipo.

Los sistemas escolares gratuitos, públicos e inclusivos deben contar con los programas de formación de docentes y los medios económicos necesarios para impulsar un aprendizaje comprometido y significativo para cada estudiante, sin importar el género, la identidad de género, la orientación sexual o el origen étnico del alumno y la alumna.

Los países deben promover activamente unas políticas inclusivas de contratación y eliminar barreras al acceso a la docencia, entre ellas la discriminación a las personas LGBT en el centro de trabajo, por el motivo que sea, sexista, racista u homófobo.

Trabajo decente para hombres y mujeres LGTB

“Los sindicatos de la educación deben buscar el logro de una sociedad justa que reconozca los derechos de todas las personas trabajadoras, incluyendo tanto a las y los educadores como a los ciudadanos al disfrute de condiciones laborales decentes, con espacios de trabajo seguros y en los que las personas educadoras puedan trabajar y los y las estudiantes puedan aprender en una atmósfera de respeto”, afirmó Fred van Leeuwen, secretario general de la Internacional de la Educación.

Además, Fred van Leeuwen recalcó que a través de su trabajo la Internacional de la Educación busca impulsar el derecho universal a la educación, salud, trabajo y demás derechos fundamentales para la dignidad humana.

 

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Chicago Strikes Again

Labornotes/Abril 2016

It’s not a general strike—not yet, anyway. But April 1 is shaping up to be a big moment for the Chicago labor movement, and once again, teachers are leading the charge.

The Chicago Teachers Union will strike for a day against a double standard. While the city scrupulously honors its deals with the big banks, it’s threatening to unilaterally violate the teachers’ contract and slice their pay—along with the rest of the budget for city schools.

CTU won’t be alone on the picket lines. Dozens of community groups and at least eight unions have signed on to join the day of action, all victims of the slash-and-burn budgeting that’s left Chicago “broke on purpose.” They’re part of an emerging coalition that’s drawing the line between the titans of finance and the needs of the city’s working people.

Last year they forced “Mayor 1%” Rahm Emanuel into Chicago’s first-ever runoff for a sitting mayor. Later protesters disrupted the lucrative Christmas shopping season after allegations emerged that, to protect Emanuel’s reelection bid, the city had covered up video of a police officer killing African American teenager Laquan McDonald. And in March, thousands of Chicago protesters shut down a rally for spiteful billionaire turned presidential candidate Donald Trump.

This year’s Labor Notes Conference kicks off at a hub of resistance, where organized people are building the power to take on organized money.

BLAME GAME

The anger—and the organizing—in Chicago come not a moment too soon. A one-sided class war has funneled almost an entire generation of economic growth to the CEOs, the bankers, and the billionaire class.

Even retirees who worked for decades to earn their pensions are forced into a lopsided battle to stop their nest eggs from being snatched away. Politicians would rather gut public services and public sector jobs than tax the billions in profit that corporations like Boeing, Verizon, General Motors, and General Electric are raking in.

Employers are pointing fingers to make sure the rest of us don’t pick up the pitchforks. Teachers and bus drivers, they say, are bankrupting your city and taxing you out of house and home. If you don’t have a pension and good health care, why should they?

Such divide-and-conquer tactics are out front this election season. Supposedly it’s immigrants, or workers in Mexico or China, who are taking your job. But whether this tired line is coming from the boss or from a CEO con artist with a bad comb-over, the game plan is as old as the need for unions to counter bigotry with solidarity.

Real blame lies squarely at the feet of corporations like Walmart and trade deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership that are steamrolling good jobs—here and abroad—and the unions that fought for them.

In February, West Virginia became the 26th so-called right-to-work state, following Wisconsin, Michigan, and Indiana. The death of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia brought only a temporary reprieve from the looming threat of open-shop conditions in the public sector, too. The Friedrichs v. California Teachers Association case is delayed, not dead. Meanwhile Friedrichs-style lawsuits sprout up at the state level, as in a recent case against New York’s Public Employees Federation.

Anti-union forces are ready for open-shop America. They’re already training their sights on their next target: unions’ right to exclusively represent a bargaining unit.

RIPPLES OF RESISTANCE

But there’s a bright spot—a stubborn note of resistance in the country’s political mood, evident in the surprising momentum of underdog Bernie Sanders’ campaign for president.

Plenty of union members are also fed up with the status quo. Last fall, for example, Chrysler workers sent the Auto Workers top brass back to the bargaining table, voting no 2 to 1 on a contract that would have cemented their two-tier wage scale.

New hires started at $15.78 an hour, just over half the pay for “legacy workers.” The union had taken the hit in 2007, when two-tier was sold as a salve for the flagging automaker. But by last year, the revived company was making millions—and the second tier had ballooned to 45 percent of the workforce. Thanks to the grassroots revolt, union tops returned with an improved settlement that put most second-tier workers on a path to top pay.

The same spirit roiled Teamsters who haul cars from auto plants to dealerships, who voted down a concession-ridden agreement by 87 percent in October, and mechanics at railroad giant CSX, who in December nixed a job-killing pact by an 8-to-1 vote.

Some unions hit the picket lines to beat back concessions. Steelworkers at Allegheny Technologies endured a six-month lockout rather than let the company gut their contract. Wisconsin’s Kohler factory workers struck for a month against two-tier wages and health care cost-shifting, winning a partial victory that narrowed the gap between the tiers.

Thankfully, more unions are reaching for labor’s oldest weapon, and not just as a last resort. Chicago movers at Golan’s struck for six months to win their first contract, reaching an agreement last year. In November, a small band of IKEA workers struck for recognition.

To protest funding shortfalls, teachers in Washington state staged rolling strikes, culminating in a week-long walkout in September by Seattle educators who demanded, among other things, that kindergartners get at least a half-hour of recess. In the same spirit, teachers in Detroit staged rolling sickouts to protest mice, mold, and crumbling classrooms under their governor-appointed “emergency manager.”

Inside unions, the same spirit of resistance continues to boost reformers running for office, like the professional flight attendants who unseated a management-friendly president last fall and elected a rank and filer to replace her. Teachers and Teamsters alike are seeking out leaders who aren’t afraid to fight the boss. And unions from janitors in the Twin Cities to nurses in New York are proving that, especially when the community has our back, we can win.

THE CHICAGO MODEL

If a comeback is in the cards, some of the essential ingredients are bubbling up in Chicago.

  • Place the Blame on Wall Street: Since new leaders took office in 2010, the Chicago Teachers Union has told the world how Wall Street and the country’s biggest corporations have teamed up to rip off the city and drain millions from public services.Now more and more public sector unions around the country are doing the same. They’re pushing for state and local governments to renegotiate sweetheart loans that are lucrative for the banks, and proposing taxes to target corporations and the 1%.
  • Line Up with Those Ready to Fight the Status Quo: With union density hovering just over 11 percent, finding allies has evolved from a good idea to a necessity. Chicago is an example of what’s possible through coalitions, both inside and outside the labor movement.To their credit, these folks haven’t waited till they could convince the most timid within the House of Labor. They’re clear they’re building a coalition of those willing to upset the apple cart, even if that starts with a handful.
  • Every Movement Needs Infrastructure: Key unions in Chicago, most notably the Service Employees local, Healthcare Illinois-Indiana and the Teachers, created first the community-labor coalition Stand Up Chicago and then the independent political organization United Working Families.When unpredictable sparks flared up—like the Occupy movement and Black Lives Matter—these organizations were there to help meet concrete needs like space and funding, and to act as bridges to institutions and other activist networks.
  • You Lose More than You Win: Since winning their 2012 strike, Chicago teachers have seen 50 schools closed and thousands of educators pink-slipped. They weren’t able to unseat Emanuel. United Working Families won only three of the nine city council seats where it challenged incumbents.But the unions and community groups involved in the April 1 actions have grown even more committed to the strategy of confrontation, recognizing the historical lesson that breakthroughs usually follow a series of defeats. After all their setbacks, 88 percent of all Chicago teachers voted to authorize another strike.
  • Rooted in Real Power: None of this was possible without the organization and ownership of their union that rank-and-file Chicago Teachers have achieved, on a scale few other unions in recent decades have matched.The foundation is old-fashioned organizing—finding leaders in every worksite, identifying issues members care about, and moving co-workers into action. Those are the skills we highlight in our newest Labor Notes book, Secrets of a Successful Organizer, out April 1.

But building power goes beyond good tactics and technique. Unionism at its core is about taking action together.

In too many unions, officers or staff present members with: “Here’s the plan. Are you in, or are you out?” The Chicago Teachers continue to show how much better the results are when you involve everyone in the process that leads you there.

Members go to the mat because they care about what’s at stake and feel like it’s their fight. They’re part of the team steering the ship, from the shop floor to union-wide activities. The choice to be “in or out” evaporates when everyone was “in” from the beginning.

Anyone can tell when they’ve got a real say over what happens, versus just backing someone else’s plan. Chicago is proof positive of one of Labor Notes’ enduring themes—that unions need a «political revolution» too.

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