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Superintendente de escuelas públicas de Miami será el nuevo canciller de educación en NY

América del norte/ Estados Unidos/01 Marzo 2018/Fuente: Ny1noticias

El jefe del sistema de escuelas públicas de Miami ha sido escogido como el próximo canciller del Departamento de Educación de la ciudad de New York, según fuentes oficiales.

Alberto Carvalho, el superintendente de las escuelas públicas del Condado de Miami-Dade, reemplazará a la actual canciller Carmen Fariña –quien ha decidido retirarse- en las próximas semanas.

Carvalho, de 51 años, llegó a Estados Unidos como un inmigrante indocumentado a los 17 años. De joven trabajó en la construcción y en restaurantes lavando platos. Carvalho habla español.

Carvalho ha servido como superintendente en Miami-Dade –el cuarto sistema más grande de educación pública del país- desde 2008 y es conocido a nivel nacional entre la comunidad de educadores.

En 2016, Carvalho fue nombrado el Superintendente del Año por las Escuelas Magnet de América.

Carvalho estará al frente del departamento de escuelas públicas más grande del país con más de un millón de estudiantes.

Farina anunció hace unos meses su retiro.

Fuente: http://www.ny1noticias.com/nyc/noticias/noticias/2018/02/28/superintendente-de-escuelas-publicas-de-miami-sera-el-nuevo-canciller-de-educacion-en-ny

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Estados Unidos: Maestros en huelga piden aumento salarial en estado norteamericano

América del norte/Estados Unidos/01 Marzo 2018/Fuente: Prensa Latina

Miles de maestros continúan hoy una huelga iniciada desde el jueves en el estado norteamericano de Virginia Occidental y piden una reunión con el gobernador Jim Justice sobre sus demandas salariales.
Los docentes, cuyos sueldos se ubican entre los más bajos del país, se congregaron este lunes en las afueras del Capitolio del estado y prometieron mantener el paro hasta que se escuchen sus quejas, pues consideran que los aumentos salariales propuestos hasta el momento son insuficientes.

Representados por la Federación Estadounidense de Maestros (AFT), la Asociación de Educación de Virginia Occidental y la Asociación de Personal de Servicio Escolar de ese territorio, los profesores quieren llevar a la mesa de negociaciones tanto a Justice como a los líderes del Senado y la Cámara de Representantes del estado.

Hasta que eso suceda, la huelga de maestros continuará en los 55 condados, manifestó Christine Campbell, presidenta del capítulo de la AFT en Virginia Occidental, citada por el diario USA Today.

De acuerdo con la dirigente gremial, hubo conversaciones por separado con varias autoridades, pero no con el gobernador, quien ayer tuvo apariciones públicas en las ciudades de Wheeling, Martinsburg y Morgantown.

Justice aprobó aumentos salariales de 808 dólares para el año próximo y de 404 para los dos siguientes, pero los profesores sostienen que tales incrementos no son los adecuados, sobre todo en comparación con el ascenso de los costos de la atención médica.

El portal digital Huffington Post señaló que el paro de los docentes, el primero de su tipo registrado en el estado en 28 años, constituye una demostración de fuerza sin precedentes por parte de maestros y empleados públicos en todos los condados.

Además de exigir que se eleven los sueldos, los trabajadores y sus sindicatos demandan más fondos para el plan de salud de los empleados públicos, y expresan su preocupación por la grave escasez de maestros y el hecho de que los más jóvenes deciden irse a otros territorios.

Según el Huffington Post, una serie de recortes de impuestos a las empresas dejó al estado con poco dinero para dar a los trabajadores públicos, quienes esperaban aumentos significativos.

En la actualidad Virginia Occidental se ubica en el lugar 48 entre los 50 estados y el Distrito de Columbia en cuanto a remuneración de maestros, y fue uno de los cinco lugares que redujeron el salario promedio de los docentes en 2016.

Fuente: http://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=155858&SEO=maestros-en-huelga-piden-aumento-salarial-en-estado-norteamericano
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EEUU: Education: A Last Chance

EEUU/ Author: Andrew Sunghyun Yoon / Source: Carnegie Council

Andrew Sunghyun Yoon, Third Prize High School Category, Essay Contest 2017

«I am a 15-year-old sophomore attending Seoul International School in South Korea. Born in the United States and raised in Asia, I feel my diverse experiences around the world have shaped and concretized my beliefs. I am extremely passionate about public speaking, international relations, and the humanities as a whole. I hope to use my voice and the power of the pen to advocate social causes particularly pertaining to the disenfranchised.»–Andrew Yoon

ESSAY TOPIC: In your opinion, what is the greatest ethical challenge facing the world today?

There is a girl in the rural areas of Western China, wiping crystal beads of sweat off her forehead as she cooks whatever’s left in the house for her siblings. She is cradled within the silence created by her parent’s absence, counting how many days remain until they return from their minimum-wage jobs in Beijing. Amidst the endless financial troubles and the fragmentation of her family, school simply was not an option. If destiny really did exist, hers didn’t include an education. There are hundreds of thousands more like her. A few hundred miles away in the sun-scorched outskirts of Kabul, a girl is reprimanded for resisting when she is told that she cannot go to school like her brother. There are hundreds of thousands more like her. Halfway across the globe in Baltimore, a city entangled in poverty and violence, there is a boy whose family’s survival hinges on food stamps and is forced to relinquish his dream of being the first in his family to attend college. There are, once again, hundreds of thousands more like him. These are all characters within the same story: a story about individuals who are stripped of the chance at a bigger and better future through education.

Without a doubt, countless other stories deserve to be heard as well: the one about devastated refugees fleeing decimated homes, the one about the unspeakable horrors of religious and ethnic persecution, the one about families subsisting on one meal a day as they cope with the dire truth of poverty, and just about a million more. Yet the issue of education resonates especially clearly as the most pressing ethical challenge of today’s generation because time and time again, governments and citizens alike are failing to address education systems that leave millions in the dark. Although education is perhaps the most substantial step toward addressing and eventually tackling the aforementioned global issues, it is perhaps one of the most overshadowed challenges of the century, burrowed beneath more immediate concerns stemming from political turmoil or economic advancements.

Today, governments have become complacent with flawed education systems, and citizens have subconsciously learned to coexist with a reality in which millions of children and young adults across the globe are forced to give up the chance to go to school. We continue to fail to recognize that education is not a privilege. It is a right. And it is an unforgettable ethical failure on our part for allowing this issue to be perpetuated.

The cause, details, and experiences of individuals barred from equal education may all be vastly different, but there exists a common thread intertwined among all who are a part of this narrative of injustice: education is and has always been the key to escaping a vicious cycle of inequality or poverty. On the racial and socioeconomic front, conspicuous gaps in access to education exist among the urban and rural, rich and poor, and along the spectrum of race or ethnicity. In the United States, despite institutional initiatives such as Affirmative Action, which aims to promote college admission among underprivileged minorities, many of these underprivileged individuals do not end up escaping the chains of racial and wealth inequality. Due to the intertwined nature of race and poverty in the United States, poverty is often concentrated in areas with higher percentages of racial minorities, which inevitably leads directly to a dead end. As part of a public education system dependent on local funding and support, such communities will consistently lack the teachers or resources that can sufficiently piece together a high-quality education for its children. Countries with a vast urban-rural divide, including China and India, experience this issue to an even greater extent because rural regions themselves are not equipped with the necessary human capital, technology, facilities, or apparatus.

On the gender front, the chasm is just as substantial. A single glance at relevant statistics is enough to illustrate the disproportionate number of women whose window to higher education is perpetually closed. According to the United Nations, 16 million girls—significantly higher than the number of boys—will never attend school in their lifetime, and girls comprise two-thirds of the 750 million adults who lack basic literacy skills. The root cause of gender discrimination in an educational context varies from country to country. In some, it has emerged out of deeply-rooted religious or cultural ideology, whereby it may be deemed unorthodox or unfitting for women to pursue high levels of education. In others, it is the inevitable result of issues such as early pregnancy or other social pressures that put girls at a disadvantage. In either scenario, however, the numerous barriers obstructing women’s access to education have created a stigmatized perception of women that feeds into gender inequality as a whole. Women’s rights movements that have emerged in developed nations indicate an increasingly progressive social atmosphere, but many of such movements have been unable to translate into direct and practical results in terms of access to education.

The reality of this pressing issue is ubiquitous; it’s plastered across news headlines, emphasized and re-emphasized by international organizations. Yet, the question at the crux of this issue is: Who should be accountable?

The first response should be the government. In 2006, in response to the alarming number of children without access to schools, the Chinese government revised its education law to especially accommodate the needs of children from rural areas. This reform included abolished tuition and other fees—e.g. textbooks or room and board—that rural students usually cannot afford. This legislation reform was an evident attempt to increase access to educational resources, especially in poor or rural regions, where such resources are often nonexistent to begin with. China’s leadership actively addressed the nation’s vast wealth and gender gaps, and took accountability for the situation of its citizens. But not all governments have made similar efforts, even in the presence of abundant resources. In order to address this ethical challenge, the most influential source of change stems from the government, who should work—through new legislation or reforms to the old—to ensure that children are bolstered by an educational system that is open and fair.

The other answer as to who should be accountable for ensuring education is a little less clear. There is no doubt that in the status quo, there are a number of countries whose first priority cannot be equal education. But if the government is too unstable at the present moment to secure an effective and fair education system due to more immediate concerns, who is accountable? It could be the United Nations, similar international organizations, smaller nongovernmental organizations, citizens, or a combination of all of the above. In any case, those outside of the government are also ethically responsible to respond to the government’s inability to install reforms or work among themselves through grassroots projects on local or national levels in order to initiate a change.

When individuals are barred from attending school due to social and economic pressure, they are closing perhaps the one and only door out of their current situation; they are being forced to let go of a fundamental right. Education is not a privilege. It is a right, and for many more individuals, it is a last chance at change and progress.

Source of the News:

https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/publications/articles_papers_reports/education-a-last-chance

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EEUU: Los reclamos de la juventud

EEUU/ 27 de febrero de 2018/Por Eduardo A. Lugo Hernández/Fuente: https://www.elnuevodia.com

Araíz del incidente de violencia ocurrido el 14 de febrero en una escuela en Estados Unidos, jóvenes en este país han tomado las calles para exigir al gobierno legislación que reforme el acceso a las armas de fuego, entre otras cosas.

La movilización de la juventud ha causado diversas reacciones que eran de esperarse. Mientras algunos sectores admiran a estos jóvenes por su capacidad de organización y sus acciones ciudadanas, otro sector los critica e intenta restar legitimidad a sus esfuerzos.

Para aquellos que hemos trabajado con jóvenes, intentando fomentar su involucramiento ciudadano, esta última reacción no nos sorprende. Esto es porque nosotros los adultos tenemos creencias basadas en nuestra cultura y en nuestra experiencia que son contradictorias y a veces hasta opresivas en relación a la juventud.

Por un lado, durante la niñez y gran parte de la adolescencia los adultos pensamos que el ámbito político no es un espacio apropiado para esta población. Las razones ofrecidas varían. Algunos apuntan a la inexperiencia de los jóvenes para lidiar con temas tan complejos como la pobreza, la desigualdad, las reformas educativas y la violencia. Otros exponen que la niñez y la adolescencia deberían ser etapas libres de estas preocupaciones. El énfasis, según algunos, debe ser en estudiar y pasarla bien. Para preocuparse está la adultez.

La ironía de esto es que cuando estos jóvenes llegan a los dieciocho años, son estos mismos adultos los que los critican por no estar activos a nivel político. Los discursos de que la juventud está perdida, de que el día de las elecciones prefieren ir a la playa que ir a votar y que no están informados acerca de las situaciones del país son la orden del día. Aparentemente los adultos pensamos que a los dieciocho años se activa un interruptor en el cerebro de nuestros jóvenes para que de sopetón les interese algo que toda la vida la hemos dicho no les compete.

Ahora bien, si se activan, si participan también los juzgamos. Los llamamos irresponsables y vagos. Insinuamos que los manipulan, porque imagínese, los jóvenes no tienen criterio propio para poder analizar las cosas que los afectan ni para generar acciones ciudadanas para exigir sus derechos. Insinuamos que son muy susceptibles a las opiniones de otros. Claro, porque los adultos no nos dejamos influir por la opinión de los candidatos de nuestros partidos de preferencia o por nuestros líderes religiosos, sin evaluar sus posturas de manera crítica. Puerto Rico no es la excepción. Estudie las acciones ciudadanas de jóvenes en nuestro país y verá un cúmulo de reacciones en la prensa dirigidas a deslegitimizar sus movimientos.

Es hora de entender que esta visión es una costosa, no solo para los jóvenes, sino para la sociedad en general. Una democracia fortalecida y participativa necesita de ciudadanos activos que analicen posturas, que se involucren en acciones políticas y que exijan a sus líderes legislación e iniciativas dirigidas al bien común. La participación ciudadana de jóvenes tiene además un impacto positivo en la autoestima de los jóvenes, su sentido de autoeficacia y empoderamiento, sus destrezas de análisis crítico y su desempeño académico. La política pública también se ve afectada de manera positiva, ya que el integrar la perspectiva de los jóvenes, las iniciativas son más completas y tienen el apoyo de este sector.

Para lograr esto, las organizaciones y agencias que trabajan con niños/as y jóvenes deben generar procesos de mentoría y acompañamiento con estas poblaciones para modelar conductas de participación ciudadana. Por ejemplo, la estructura de nuestras escuelas debe fomentar procesos participativos dónde los jóvenes tengan voz y voto en asuntos medulares del funcionamiento de la escuela. Los padres pueden envolver a sus hijos/as en iniciativas para atender las necesidades de personas sin hogar y otras comunidades desventajadas. Este involucramiento debe venir acompañado de conversaciones que brinden información a los jóvenes acerca de problemas sociales como la pobreza y que fomenten el pensamiento crítico de la juventud; no la conformidad a nuestras visiones de adultos. No se usted, pero yo no quiero un clon de mí mismo, sino un ser pensante que sepa tomar decisiones basadas en la mejor evidencia.

El envolvimiento de nuestros jóvenes no debe ser recibido con resistencia. Si le incomoda su participación pregúntese por qué; no sea que usted esté reproduciendo las dinámicas sociales que perpetúan la opresión de este sector. Fomentar la acción ciudadana de nuestros jóvenes es un ejercicio de quebrar dinámicas de poder entre adultos y ellos/as. El país necesita esta nueva mirada. La necesita ahora. No, Puerto Rico no tiene un Parkland o un Sandy Hook, pero tiene altos niveles de otros tipos de violencia. Además, Puerto Rico tiene una Junta de Control Fiscal y una legislatura, que discuten medidas que afectarán el presente y futuro de nuestras niñez y juventud. En todo este proceso los jóvenes necesitan adultos aliados, pero también requieren tener voz y espacios de acción ciudadana para abogar por su bienestar.

Fuente de la Noticia:

https://www.elnuevodia.com/opinion/columnas/losreclamosdelajuventud-columna-2401519/

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Can Virtual Reality Open STEM Education And Jobs To More People?

By: Sasha Banks-Louie Oracle

Employers need to fill 1.6 million jobs in the US that require backgrounds in science, technology, engineering, and math by 2021, according to a 2016 study by the US Department of Education. That demand is spurring new approaches to STEM education that are designed to appeal to more, and a greater diversity, of students.

“Science educators know we need to stop teaching facts and figures from textbooks and start showing students how to apply the fundamental concepts of scientific methods to real-world problems,” says Dr. Becky Sage, CEO of Interactive Scientific, a UK-based education technology firm.

Interactive Scientific, part of the Oracle Startup Cloud Accelerator program in Bristol, has developed scientific simulation software, called Nano Simbox, which students are using to observe how atoms and molecules interact. Researchers are also using this technology to explore new theories, product designs, and drugs.

Employing tablets, virtual reality headsets and controllers, students can visualize atoms, observe how they behave in different combinations, and manipulate them for testing.

Dominique Skinner, a chemistry student at Queen Mary University of London studying biochemistry, used Nano Simbox technology and research to combine atoms and create digital models of the molecules for a plant-based line of cosmetics.

“I wanted to put science next to veganism, and veganism next to cosmetics,” Skinner says. “Nano Simbox allowed me to see how skin would react to molecules from animal proteins and synthetic chemicals that were harsh on the skin versus plant-based molecules that benefited the skin.”

New Approach to Learning

Interactive Scientific has begun experimenting with artificial intelligence to understand how students learn, and how applying machine-learning algorithms could guide their progress.

“Whilst our machine learning work is in its infancy we have already designed the software to help students understand complex, scientific concepts in a way that’s unique to their individual learning styles and encourages them to challenge their own thinking by exploring alternative ideas,” says Sage.

Traditional teaching approaches using textbooks and standardized testing tend to be less flexible, both in the pace at which students progress and how their understanding is tracked and measured.

Nano Simbox’s simulation software runs on Oracle Infrastructure as a Service, making it possible “to scale this really complex science,” says Interactive Scientific founder Dr. David Glowacki.

“We needed a system to help us monitor, log, and report on scalability in real-time,” says Glowacki, who’s also a Royal Society research fellow at the University of Bristol and visiting scholar with Stanford University’s chemistry and mechanical engineering departments.

Creating Opportunities

Traditional methods of teaching STEM can be a deterrent to some students. Females, minorities, and students from lower-income families are underrepresented in STEM education and related professions. According to the Department of Education study, that makes it harder to narrow education and poverty gaps, meet the demands of a tech-driven economy, and maintain US leadership in scientific research and innovation.

“Our goal is to open up lifelong science learning to everybody, whether you’re in grades K-12, studying at a university, or in a non-traditional learning environment,” says Sage. “And our hope for the future workforce is that inclusivity will be valued so anyone will be able to thrive in their working environment.”

Source:

https://www.forbes.com/sites/oracle/2018/02/20/can-virtual-reality-open-stem-education-and-jobs-to-more-people/#78f87b508874

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EEUU: A group of Texas lawmakers wants to fix higher education funding — but it won’t be easy

EEUU/February 27, 2018/By: Shannon Najmabadi/ Source: http://www.oaoa.com

After lawmakers last year failed to overhaul how the state funds its public colleges and universities, a special committee on Wednesday will begin a new attempt to review the complicated higher education finance system in Texas.

Complaints have crescendoed about eroding government support for higher education. But at stake in the coming months is not how much money Texas pumps into its colleges and universities. It’s whether the state’s method of disbursing nearly $3 billion per year to those schools through formulas and direct appropriations is due for a comprehensive makeover.

«The way we fund higher education in Texas is overdue for a close, detailed look and consideration of substantial changes,» said state Sen. Kelly Hancock, R-North Richland Hills, one of the committee’s co-chairs.

The Joint Committee on Higher Education Formula Funding was convened out of a compromise at the end of the 2017 legislative session, following an unsuccessful bid by Senate leadership to overhaul the higher education finance system entirely. The Senate’s efforts panicked college leaders and were rejected by powerful members of the House, who have generally called for modifications to be made in lieu of wholesale changes.

Stymied, lawmakers agreed to preserve the current system for the next biennium but directed an interim committee to study it and issue recommendations by April 2018.

The committee is made up of five representatives tapped by Republican House Speaker Joe Straus and five senators appointed by Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick – none of whom serve on the upper chamber’s higher education committee. Though the panel has leeway to reshape the system, they’d have to overcome numerous political hurdles — and inertia — to do so. It’s unknown who will take the helm of the House in 2019 — Straus is not running for re-election — and the competing interests of legislators and schools make consensus difficult.

“I’m not sure that overhauling higher education finance is something that can be done with two meetings in February and a report due in April,” said state Rep. Donna Howard, D-Austin, one of the committee members. “However, I am hopeful that a focused discussion of how higher education financing methods have impacted institutional behavior will reveal some insights before next session.”

Special items

There are two main components to the state’s current method of funding higher-education: “special items” earmarked for specific projects and a per-credit allocation disbursed using a formula.

The “special items” are funds allocated outside the normal formulas to give schools cash infusions to start up new programs or pay for initiatives not always within their academic mission. But state Rep. Trent Ashby, R-Lufkin, one of the committee’s co-chairs, said they’d caused “some heartburn for members,” and they’re set to be the focus of a separate hearing later this month.

In the previous biennium, the 362 special items ranged in cost from a $31,500 research initiative at Sul Ross State University to a $61,397,900 allocation for the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley’s School of Medicine. Some schools receive what amounts to a supplement through the “special items” allocation process that they use to hire more professors and staff.

But the “special items” funding stream has drawn ire from lawmakers who say it’s grown too large and is duplicative of the per-student allotment. Critics have also argued that the items are distributed unevenly among universities and that state budget writers usually don’t go back and evaluate whether they should be kept in subsequent budgets.

“Special items were intended to support research, startup costs and other initiatives, not to remain as never-ending line items in the state budget,” Sen. Jane Nelson, R-Flower Mound, the Senate’s lead budget writer, said last year.

Last session, some senators tried to zero out the $1.1 billion in funding meant for “special items” — offering to mitigate the effects of the cut with a $700 million infusion to the per-credit pot. The move agitated university leaders, who protested that “special items” frequently pay for entire programs or medical schools. “The sky really is going to fall if you pass this bill,” Texas A&M University System Chancellor John Sharp said at the time.

Some universities argue that money removed from the «special items» stream could not be easily replaced. Even if the items were eliminated and the money were reallocated, it would be diffused into the per-credit stream, critics say. That might mean some important projects designated to receive specific money — like the McDonald Observatory in the University of Texas at Austin budget — might be harmed financially.

Formula funding

The per-credit funding mechanism has critics, too, but is less frequently in lawmakers’ crosshairs. Much of it is calculated using a formula that largely hinges on how many students an institution has and what discipline those students are studying. Data from the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board shows engineering students cost more to educate than their liberal arts peers — and so the formula gives a greater weight to engineering when calculating how much money universities should be paid.

(Schools also receive funding for infrastructure costs through this stream, but using a different formula based on square feet and utility rates.)

Detractors argue the formulas aren’t a good proxy for what universities’ costs are and don’t accurately account for part-time or other nontraditional students. Colleges with rapidly swelling student populations also complain of budgetary shortfalls, since the per-student funding is based on past years’ enrollment data.

Ashby said that “in most cases, our formulas are in place for good reason.” But he added he was “hopeful that we can agree on some concepts to promote efficiency and equity at all of our institutions.”

Outcomes-based funding

Though it may prove politically impossible, the committee has license to recommend an overhaul of how higher education in the state is financed. Its charge says lawmakers can consider realigning or eliminating “special items” and improving the per-credit allocation.

Rather than basing it on the number of students in each discipline, lawmakers could tie a school’s funding to how well their students perform. Hancock said the committee should «absolutely see what lessons can be learned from states that successfully implemented outcomes-based funding at four-year institutions,» and the possibility is slated to be discussed during at least one panel Wednesday.

The state’s community and technical colleges already receive their funding through a formula that factors in students’ performance. At Texas State Technical College System — appropriations for which have been tied to graduates’ earnings for the past few years — the switch has “worked in a big way,” said Chancellor Mike Reeser.

What happened, Reeser said, is administrators’ “obsession” with maximizing class-time was «replaced with an obsession with making sure kids got jobs and making sure they got the training they needed to get good salaries.” Graduation rates there increased 42 percent over a six-year period, and graduates’ salaries went up 83 percent.

“Our mission is to create a skilled workforce, so using student employment outcomes was a very natural thing to do,” Reeser said — but he added that institutions with broader goals, like four-year universities, would need to be evaluated using different metrics.

Ashby similarly said the outcomes-oriented model has been “critical to driving completion and promoting skilled degrees” there but that the “mission of a larger flagship university or a four-year regional institution is much different.”

As an alternative to replacing the formula based on headcount with one based on students’ performance, some university officials say lawmakers could add a sort of outcomes-based supplement — a bonus for schools where students perform well.

«Having some type of performance funding tied to each institution’s mission, in addition to a consistent and stable model for funding would benefit Texas students and our economy,» said UT-Arlington President Vistasp Karbhari.

Source:

http://www.oaoa.com/news/education/article_07feb4fb-56c2-5212-b21d-5a8e846b05bc.html

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Schools as Punishing Factories: The Handcuffing of Public Education

By: Dr. Henry Giroux

The Nobel Prize-winning author Ngugi wa Thiong’o has insisted rightfully that «Children are the future of any society,» adding, «If you want to maim the future of any society, you simply maim the children.» (1)

As we move into the second Gilded Age, young people are viewed more as a threat than as a social investment.

If one important measure of a democracy is how a society treats its children – especially children of color, poor and working-class youth, and those with disabilities – there can be little doubt that the United States is failing. Half of all public school children live in near poverty, 16 million children receive food stamps and 90 percent of Black children will be on food stamps at some point during childhood. (2) Moreover, too many children are either incarcerated or homeless.

The National Center on Family Homelessness reports that «One in 45 children experience homelessness in America each year. That’s over 1.6 million children. [Moreover] while homeless, they experience high rates of acute and chronic health problems. The constant barrage of stressful and traumatic experience also has profound effects on their development and ability to learn.» (3) Sadly, these statistics rarely scratch the surface of the dire and deep-seated problems facing many young people in the richest country in the world, a state of affairs that provokes too little public outrage.

Teachable Moment or Criminal Offense?

Every age has its approach to identifying and handling problems. As we move into the second Gilded Age, young people are viewed more as a threat than as a social investment. Instead of being viewed as at-risk in a society that has defaulted on its obligations to young people, youth today are viewed as the risk itself. Instead of recognizing the social problems and troubles they face – ranging from poverty to punishing schools – our society sees youth as spoiled or threatening. (4) One consequence is that their behaviors are increasingly criminalized in the streets, malls, schools and many other places once considered safe spaces for them. As compassion and social responsibility give way to punishment and fear as the most important modalities mediating the relationship of youth to the larger social order, schools resort more and more to zero-tolerance policies and other punitive practices. Such practices often result in the handing over of disciplinary problems to the police rather than to educational personnel.

Children are being punished instead of educated in US schools.

With the growing presence of police, surveillance technologies and security guards in schools, more and more of what kids do, how they act, how they dress and what they say are defined as a criminal offense, regardless of how trivial the offense may be – in some cases just doodling on a desk or violating a dress code. Such behaviors, which teachers and administrators use to regulate through everyday means, are now treated as infractions within the purview of the police. Consequently, suspensions, expulsions, arrests and jail time have become routine for poor youth of color. Even more shocking is the rise of zero-tolerance policies to punish Black students and students with disabilities. (5) Instead of recognizing the need to provide services for students with special needs, there is a dangerous trend on the part of school systems to adopt policies «that end in seclusion, restraint, expulsion, and – too often – law enforcement intervention for the disabled children involved.» (6) Sadly, this is but a small sampling of the ways in which children are being punished instead of educated in US schools, especially inner-city schools. Rather than treating school infractions as part of the professional responsibilities of teachers and administrators, schools are criminalizing such behaviors and calling the police. What might have become a teachable moment becomes a criminal offense. (7)

Since the 1990s, the US public has been swamped by the fear of an alleged rise in teenage crime and what was called a superpredator crisis. This crisis was largely popularized by John J. DiIulio Jr., then a political scientist at Princeton University, who argued without irony «that hordes of depraved teenagers [were about to resort] to unspeakable brutality, not tethered by conscience.» (8) Politicians, intellectuals and news organizations were convinced that young people posed a dire threat to the US public and not only reveled «on these sensational predictions [but also] ran with them like a punt returner finding daylight.» (9) While such chaos proved to be nonsense, the theses spawned a plethora of disciplinary practices in schools, such as zero-tolerance policies, which have turned them into institutions that resemble prisons with students being subjected to harsh disciplinary practices, particularly poor black children and children suffering from mental health problems, such as ADHD.

Policing Students in Classrooms and on Playgrounds

These harsh practices have been inflicted disproportionately on poor Black children and children suffering from mental health problems such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). This was on full display as social media lit up with a video that disclosed an 8-year-old boy in the third grade in an elementary school classroom in Covington, Kentucky, screaming in pain because he was being handcuffed with his arms placed behind his back. (10) Standing beside the child is police officer, Deputy Sheriff Kevin Sumner, who issues the chilling message, «You either behave the way you are supposed to or you suffer the consequences.» The child, it was later revealed, suffers from a learning disability. According to the Guardian’s Ed Pilkington, «Charles Korzenborn, the sheriff in Covington, Kentucky … defended the officer … claiming that the police officer, Kevin Sumner, had done absolutely nothing wrong. The sheriff said his deputy had done ‘what he is sworn to do and in conformity with all constitutional and law enforcement standards…. I steadfastly stand behind Deputy Sumner who responded to the school’s request for help. Deputy Sumner is a highly respected and skilled law enforcement deputy, and is an asset to the community and those he serves.'» (11) Allegedly, Sumner was responding to the school’s call to diffuse «a threat.» It is hard to imagine what kind of threat a 3.5-foot tall 8-year-old elementary school child posed to either the school or to the police. At work here is not only a kind of bizarre rationality in which one becomes an asset to the community by handcuffing and arresting an 8-year-old boy but also the scourge of a willful ignorance which is the refusal to know or to recognize when an act of violence is being committed against a child.

Schools are considered dangerous because they are public, not because they are failing.

The sheriff’s unhinged defense of Sumner becomes even more apparent in light of the fact that it has been revealed that Sumner had engaged in similar behavior earlier in 2014. At that time, he participated in the handcuffing at John C. Carlisle Elementary School of a 9-year-old girl living with ADHD. At one level, this case reveals why police should not be in public schools in the first place and that the targeting of children by criminalizing their behavior represents the antithesis of how a school should treat its children. It also suggests something about the low regard the public has for public schools and the lives of our nation’s youth, especially poor children of color.

While the image of an 8-year-old boy handcuffed in an elementary school classroom in Covington, Kentucky, has rightfully drawn a great deal of attention on social media and in the mainstream news, it is far from unique. In 2013, a diabetic student in an Alabama high school was arrested and beaten for falling asleep in a classroom. (12) In 2013, Bronx police falsely accused a 7-year-old boy and «put him in handcuffs and held him in custody for ten hours after a playground fight» in which he was falsely accused of stealing $5 from another student. (13) It gets worse. The US Department of Justice filed a lawsuit in November 2012 charging that the Meridian, Mississippi, school district functioned largely as a school-to-prison pipeline, disproportionally focusing on Black youth. According to the Justice Department’s 37-page complaint, the Meridian school district engaged in «years of systemic abuse [which punished] youth ‘so arbitrarily and severely as to shock the conscience.'» (14)

As Julianne Hing reports,

In Meridian, when schools want to discipline children, they do much more than just send them to the principal’s office. They call the police, who show up to arrest children who are as young as 10 years old. Arrests, the Department of Justice says, happen automatically, regardless of whether the police officer knows exactly what kind of offense the child has committed or whether that offense is even worthy of an arrest. The police department’s policy is to arrest all children referred to the agency. Once those children are in the juvenile justice system, they are denied basic constitutional rights. They are handcuffed and incarcerated for days without any hearing and subsequently warehoused without understanding their alleged probation violations. (15)

The Meridian case makes clear what numerous reports have indicated for years: not only that zero-tolerance measures have failed, but also that they have made schools less secure, resulted in criminalizing student behavior and contributed to what has been called the school-to-prison pipeline, especially for poor youth of color. As the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) points out, the school-to-prison pipeline is a «disturbing national trend wherein children are funneled out of public schools and into the juvenile and criminal justice systems. Many of these children have learning disabilities or histories of poverty, abuse, or neglect, and would benefit from additional educational and counseling services. Instead, they are isolated, punished, and pushed out.» (16) Putting the police in schools has little to do with improving the learning environment for children and a great deal to do with criminalizing students «for behavior that should be handled inside the school. Students of color are especially vulnerable to push-out trends and the discriminatory application of discipline.» (17)

The war on youth and public schools is part of the larger assault on democracy itself.

The increasing criminalization of students of color, poor students and students with disabilities is taking place in the context of a broader attack on public schools as a whole. Like many institutions that represent the public good, public schools are under attack by market, religious and educational fundamentalists. Schools are considered dangerous because they are public, not because they are failing. State and corporate leaders are seeking to take power out of the hands of public school teachers and administrators because public schools harbor teachers with the potential to engage in pedagogies that are imaginative, empowering, critical and capable of connecting learning with the practice of freedom and the search for justice. The pedagogies of oppression – whether in the form of high-stakes testing, teaching for the test, imposing punitive disciplinary measures or the construction of relations that disempower teachers and empower security guards – are part of a broader attempt to destroy the social state and the institutions that produce the formative culture necessary for a democracy.

Students Are Not Criminals

There are no safe spaces left in the United States. As almost every aspect of society becomes militarized, the imposing apparatuses of the police state become more and more obvious, reckless and dangerous, and include more than the arming of local police forces.

As Chase Mader observes:

Even as simple a matter as getting yourself from point A to point B can quickly become a law enforcement matter as travel and public space are ever more aggressively policed. Waiting for a bus? Such loitering just got three Rochester youths arrested. Driving without a seat belt can easily escalate into an arrest, even if the driver is a state judge. (Notably, all four of these men were black.) If the police think you might be carrying drugs, warrantless body cavity searches at the nearest hospital may be in the offing – you will be sent the bill later. Air travel entails increasingly intimate pat-downs and arbitrary rules that many experts see as nothing more than ‘security theater.’ As for staying at home, it carries its own risks as Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates found out when a Cambridge police officer mistook him for a burglar and hauled him away – a case that is hardly unique. (18)

The rise of the punishing and police state depends on conformity, the squelching of dissent and the closing down of any institution capable of educating the young and old to hold authority accountable. More specifically, pedagogies of oppression are a central tool for dismantling critical learning and dissent and for increasing the power of the punishing state. Under the reign of neoliberalism, all things public are under attack, from schools to health care to public servants. The war on youth and public schools is part of the larger assault on democracy itself. The controlling elite view schools as dangerous to their interests. For the financial elite, right-wing ideologues and billionaires such as the Walton family, the Koch brothers and Bill Gates, public education must be defunded, broken and privatized because it contains the potential to educate young people to question authority and hold it accountable, and produce civically literate and socially engaged students and critically engaged citizens.

Schools are not prisons, teachers are not a security detail and students are not criminals. Schools should model the United States’ investment in children and to do so they need to view young people as a resource rather than as a threat. If public schools are going to improve they have to be appropriately funded. That means, raising corporate taxes, cutting the defense budget, and allocating funds that contribute to the public good. It also means closing down and defunding those financial and military institutions that produce misery and destroy human lives, especially the lives of children. Educators should be given the power, autonomy and resources to be able to work closely with children in order to provide them with the conditions for meaningful learning while providing safe spaces for them to be nourished ethically, intellectually and spiritually. Schools are a public good and should be defined as such. How the United States invests in schools will shape an entire generation of young people. The lesson these youth should not be learning is that they can’t be trusted and should be treated as criminals. That view of schooling is one we associate with totalitarian states, not with a genuine democratic society.

Footnotes:

1. Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Moving the Centre: The Struggle for Cultural Freedom(London: James Currey, 1993), p. 76.

2. Lindsey Tanner, «Half of US Kids Will Get Food Stamps, Study Says,» The Associated Press (November 2, 2009). Online: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/11/02/food-stamps-will-feed-hal_n_342834.html

3. Cited from the website of The National Center on Family Homelessness. Online: http://www.familyhomelessness.org/children.php?p=ts

4. I have taken this issue up in great detail in Henry A. Giroux, Youth in a Suspect Society: Democracy or Disposability (New York: Palgrave, 2009). See also Kenneth Saltman, ed. Kenneth J. Saltman, David A. Gabbard, eds. Education as Enforcement: The Militarization and Corporatization of Schools (New York: Routledge, 2010).

5. Joy Resmovits, «American Schools Are STILL Racist, Government Report Finds,» The Huffington Post (March 21, 2015). Online: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/03/21/schools-discrimination_n_5002954.html

6. s.e. smith, «Police Handcuffing 7-Year-Olds? The Brutality Unleashed on Kids With Disabilities in Our School Systems,» AlterNet (May 22, 2012). Online: http://www.alternet.org/story/155526/police_handcuffing_7-year-olds_the_brutality_unleashed_on_kids_with_disabilities_in_our_school_systems?page=entire

7. Staff, Rethinking Schools, «Stop the School-to-Prison Pipeline» Truthout, (Jan. 15, 2012).

8. Clyde Haberman, «When Youth Violence Spurred ‘Superpredator’ Fear,» The New York Times (April 6, 2014). Online: http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/07/us/politics/killing-on-bus-recalls-superpredator-threat-of-90s.html?_r=0

9. Ibid., Haberman.

10. The video can be seen here: Ed Pilkington, «Kentucky sheriff ‘steadfastly’ defends officer who handcuffed 8-year-old,» The Guardian (August 4, 2015). Online: http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/aug/04/kentucky-sheriff-defends-officer-handcuffed-child

11. Ibid., Pilkington.

12. Alex Kane, «Diabetic High School Girl Beaten by Police Officer and Arrested – For Falling Asleep in Class,» AlterNet, (May 7, 2013).

13. Natasha Lennard, «NYPD Handcuff, Interrogate 7-Year-Old Over $5,» AlterNet, (January 30, 2013). Online: http://www.alternet.org/news-amp-politics/nypd-handcuff-interrogate-7-year-old-over-5

14. Julianne Hing, «The Shocking Details of a Mississippi School-to-Prison Pipeline,» Truthout, (December 3, 2012). Online: http://truth-out.org/news/item/13121-the-shocking-details-of-a-mississippi-school-to-prison-pipeline

15. Ibid., Hing.

16. American Civil Liberties Union, «School-to-prison-pipeline,» ACLU Issues (August 5, 2015). Online: https://www.aclu.org/issues/racial-justice/race-and-inequality-education/school-prison-pipeline

17. Ibid.

18. Chase Madar, «Everyone Is a Criminal: On the Over-Policing of America», The Huffington Post. (December 13, 2013). Online: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/chase-madar/over-policing-of-america_b_4412187.html

 

Source:

http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/32238-schools-as-punishing-factories-the-handcuffing-of-public-education

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