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EEUU: A Letter to Secretary DeVos from a Special Normal Public School Student

America del Norte/EEUU/Diane Ravitch’s blog

Resumen: La maestra Stuart Egan enseña en la escuela secundaria en Carolina del Norte. Su hijo Malcolm nació con el síndrome de Down. Está en tercer grado en la escuela pública y está prosperando. Stuart ayudó a Malcolm a redactar esta carta al secretario Betsy DeVos. Malcolm se pregunta si se preocupa por niños como él.

Stuart Egan teaches high school in North Carolina. His son Malcolm was born with Down Syndrome. He is in third grade in public school and is thriving. Stuart helped Malcolm compose this letter to Secretary Betsy DeVos. Malcolm wonders if she cares about kids like him.

The letter starts like this:

“Dear Secretary DeVos,

“My name is Malcolm and I just finished third-grade in the Winston-Salem/Forsyth County School system. I have vibrant red-hair and blue eyes like my mom, wear cool glasses, have a wicked follow through on my jump shot, and am quite the dancer. My dad also wears glasses, but he does not dance very well nor has much hair. My sister is in high school. She is very smart and she helps me with my homework.

I also have an extra chromosome because of a condition called Trisomy 21. You may know it as Down Syndrome. It does not define me. It just is, but I do need a little extra help in school and in learning other skills on how to be independent.

I am having my daddy write this letter for me. He is a teacher in a public high school. In fact, I spend a lot of time at his school going to games and functions. A lot of people know me there like they do at my own school. My having an extra chromosome doesn’t seem to scare them so much because in the end we are all more alike than different anyway.

But I am worried about some of the things that have happened in public schools since I have started going. I am also worried about how students like me are being treated since you and President Trump have been in office.

My daddy has noticed you like this thing called “school choice” and that the budget that you and Mr. Trump like puts more money into this. Yet it really seems to have done a lot to weaken public schools like not fully give money to them or give them resources so that all kids in public schools can be successful. It seems that some money went to this thing called “vouchers” and some has been used to help make other types of schools – schools that will not accept me.

When I got ready to go to school a few years ago, one of my grandparents offered to pay tuition at any school that could help me the most, but none around here would take me because I have a certain type of developmental delay. Doesn’t seem like I had much choice.

But the public schools welcomed me with open arms. And I am learning because of the good teachers and the teacher assistants. Imagine what could happen if my school could have every resource to accommodate my needs.

When people in power have taken away resources, teacher assistants and forced local school systems to make due with less money, then all students, especially students like me, are not being helped as much. And it’s not our teachers’ fault. It’s the fault of those who control what we get.

You and Mr. Trump control a lot of what we get.

My family is very aware of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. It says that I am entitled by law to a sound and quality public education that will work to overcome my obstacles like any other student. We were surprised that you were not aware of IDEA when you were asked earlier this year. That law is my lifeline. And there are many students who do not have the advantages that I have. Some have more obstacles and more physical hurdles to overcome. They really need for you to step up for them. Part of your job is to protect that law.

But this budget that you seem to like does not really help to strengthen that.

The Individual Education Plan that I have that my school and parents put together is backed by federal law. That means that you are supposed to protect it.

But this budget and your actions do not seem to want to honor that.

I think you should stand up more for students like me. I think you should fight more for public schools. I think that you should be loud about it. Make everyone know your commitment to public school children and their teachers and the staffs at each school as many times as you can.

I can be loud. It’s easy. I let my presence be known all of the time. It’s how others know I am there. But I have to be there.

It seems that if you are the leader of the public schools in the nation, then you would be more of a champion for public schools. You would show up at places when asked to talk about what is going on in schools.

Like accepting invitations to places and conferences.

I know that you were invited to speak at the Office of Special Education Programs Leadership Conference this next week. My daddy says that you have never met with a special-education advocacy group before. Why?

Why have you not accepted the chance to talk to the very people who need to hear you talk? These are the people who help make sure that I have what I need because I depend on the public schools.

In fact, my daddy says that you do not really talk to those who really need you to explain your views on education and why you seem to like some types of schools more than others.

Why?

Shouldn’t you be willing to talk?

My daddy goes to work every school day and teaches the students who show up for school. He does not get to choose his students. But that does not matter to him.

I go to school and my teacher did not get to choose what students she got to have. But she teaches me anyway.

If you are the secretary of education for the whole country, then shouldn’t you be willing to go anywhere to talk about school?

Sincerely,

Malcolm
Special Normal Public School Kid

Fuente: https://caffeinatedrage.com/

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Estados Unidos: The deep irony in Betsy DeVos’s first speech on special education

Estados Unidos / 19 de julio de 2017 / Por: Valerie Strauss / Fuente: https://www.washingtonpost.com

U.S. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos just gave her first major speech about special education — and it raised new questions about her understanding of the issues that students with disabilities face. Again, exactly six months after the first ones.

DeVos, a Michigan billionaire who has called traditional public schools a “dead end,” has had something of a troubled past in talking about this issue. At her confirmation hearing on Jan. 17, before the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, she answered a question about the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), indicating that she didn’t know it was a federal law that all states had to enforce.

IDEA requires public schools to provide a free and appropriate education to all students with disabilities, and in her response, she said that she thought it was up to the states to decide on IDEA enforcement. She was later asked if she was unaware that IDEA was a federal law, and she conceded, “I may have confused it.”

Then in a letter to supposedly clarify her perplexing comment at that hearing, she said she knows IDEA is a federal law and said she wants to provide students with disabilities more educational opportunities, which is in line with her antiabortion agenda. But in that letter, rather than talk about how traditional public school districts can improve their offerings for these children, she praised a voucher program in Ohio that allows eligible families of special needs students to use public funds to attend a private school. What she didn’t mention, however, was that the program — as well as most other voucher programs — requires participating families to agree to give up special education due-process rights they are given under IDEA.

At that time, Denise Marshall, executive director of the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates (COPAA) issued a statement that said in part:

It’s clear that Betsy DeVos is not, nor has ever been an advocate for children with disabilities. The fact that she didn’t understand the basics about education concepts or the three essential federal education laws is embarrassing and her lack of knowledge on the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) is appalling. We are alarmingly concerned. Furthermore, she advocates for vouchers writ large — as if they can solve every family’s dilemma.

On Monday, DeVos gave a speech on the broad topic of students with disabilities, this time in Arlington, Va., at the Office of Special Education Programs Leadership Conference, which was attended by people who deal with IDEA cases. And how do you think she started?

No, she didn’t start out talking about the lack of resources that traditional public school districts — which educate the vast majority of America’s schoolchildren — have in trying to meet the needs of special needs students. Rather, she started out by talking about school choice. First, she noted that a friend of hers had, admirably, adopted a daughter with physical and cognitive disabilities and then got to choose which school to put her in. Then she lamented the fact that every family can’t choose the school they want. Soon after she said this:

We should celebrate the fact that unlike some countries in the world, the United States makes promises that we will never send any student away from our schools. Our commitment is to educate every student. Period. It’s but one of America’s many compelling attributes.

The irony in this statement is that it is the traditional public education system in the United States that promises a free and appropriate education for all students. There is no question that many traditional public schools don’t meet this promise, but the goal is aspirational and seen as a public good. And it is the traditional U.S. public education system that DeVos has labeled a “dead end” and a “monopoly,” while the alternatives to these traditional public school districts that she promotes don’t make the same promise.

DeVos has promoted charter schools — which are publicly funded but privately operated — most of which do not enroll as many students as traditional public schools, percentage-wise, and many of which are not equipped to deal with special needs students. Many charter schools counsel out students who can’t meet the academic demands, which is far from the promise of trying to ensure that every child gets a free and fair education.

She is also an avid supporter of voucher and voucherlike programs that use public money to pay for private and religious school tuition and other educational costs. Most of these programs, as noted above, require families to give up some legal rights guaranteed under IDEA. And, of course, private and religious schools can accept and reject students, something that traditional public schools can’t do.

Critics charge that it is hypocritical to talk about the importance of IDEA while supporting educational programs that allow schools to force families to opt out of some provisions. They also note that while DeVos talked about the failure of many schools to provide adequate education for special needs students, there are questions about how she would want to hold accountable those schools that continue in this regard. She has repeatedly made clear that her idea of accountability in education is providing choice. Providing alternatives to public schools is her idea of accountability.

DeVos said in the speech that she has “reestablished equal treatment of IDEA cases in the Office for Civil Rights, ensuring they are prioritized as much as any other complaints.” Well, the Office for Civil Rights doesn’t handle IDEA cases. The Web page for the Education Department’s Office for Civil Rights notes that discrimination complaints can be filed under Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and Title II of the Americans With Disabilities Act of 1990 — Title II prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability by public entities — but it doesn’t mention IDEA.

Given that DeVos likely didn’t write the speech herself, this means that she isn’t the only one in the Education Department who doesn’t seem to know this. And, she offered no proof that the Obama administration had de-emphasized IDEA complaints.

DeVos has made her agenda clear. Choice, choice and more choice is her answer for everything educational.

Here are DeVos’s prepared remarks as provided by the Education Department:

Good morning! And thank you, Kim, for that kind introduction. We’re very excited to have Kim join our team as Acting Assistant Secretary for OSERS. She’ll be working with Ruth Ryder, who you all know, and who led OSERS well through the transition. Thank you both.

It is an honor to be with all of you today. Your calling is one of service to infants, toddlers, children and youth with disabilities; I deeply respect and admire the work that you do.

That spirit of service reminds me of my friend Jen, who together with her husband adopted a daughter with physical and cognitive disabilities. They already had two biological children, but they felt called to help give this child a better life …

Jen was able to move her daughter to a school that she and her husband chose, and she is now thriving. They’re fortunate they were able to find a good fit, but many parents don’t get the same chance — they don’t have access to a wide menu of options, or the resources to move to a different school district, let alone state.

I’m thankful that we have a room full of people committed to helping families like Jen’s and all children with disabilities. It’s encouraging to see so many leaders that share a common purpose gathered under one roof. As we know, lots of people working together to solve problems doesn’t happen often enough, particularly here in Washington.

You’re here because of a shared and unwavering commitment to put the needs of individual kids above all else. I hope you take pride in such fulfilling work.

I’m reminded of something Anne Sullivan, who we know as the teacher and companion of Helen Keller, expressed at one point: too few see that your work helps produce even the smallest achievements.

So let me say to each of you: President Trump and I see you. We see your devotion. We see your love.

SPECIAL EDUCATION IN AMERICA

And we want you to know we are here to help you advance and address the needs of your students — indeed, our students. We are here to work with you, and we look forward to hearing more from you at this gathering.

We should celebrate the fact that unlike some countries in the world, the United States makes promises that we will never send any student away from our schools. Our commitment is to educate every student. Period. It’s but one of America’s many compelling attributes.

That promise requires the acknowledgment that every child is unique, with different strengths and challenges. It could be easy to get frustrated or discouraged when it comes to educating students with disabilities. But that’s because there are too often artificial barriers and roadblocks that limit your ability to focus on meeting their individual needs.

We’ve made tremendous technological breakthroughs in every other sector of our society, yet when it comes to education, we’re always playing catch-up rather than leading. We’ve simply been too slow to embrace these innovations that on their face help each of us live our best lives.

It struck me a few weeks ago, with the 10th birthday of the iPhone. In just 10 short years, that product has fundamentally changed almost everything about how we communicate. I can now video chat with my grandkids from any corner of the world, listen to music or order food and have it delivered to my front door. It’s made what was once thought impossible, possible. And, equally amazing, 11 years ago, we didn’t even know we needed or wanted it.

Smart tablets are doing the same for many kids with special needs. The data shows — and I’m sure you’ve seen for yourselves — that students on the autism spectrum or those lacking motor skills are significantly more engaged and better able to communicate — all thanks to a device the size of a dinner plate. It’s just one example of how innovation can fundamentally change the trajectory of a student’s education, and their life.

But not nearly enough kids are being given those kinds of opportunities. Too many students are being failed or left behind. This is an issue where we can all work together. It defies Party lines. Republican and Democratic administrations alike haven’t done enough to fulfill our promise to students under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.

No matter a student’s age or disability, the purpose of your work is to help them learn to lead successful, self-sufficient lives. The journey is difficult, but the reward is life-transforming independence and self-confidence.

Yet, far too often, the status quo suggests, “Just do the best you can with the resources you have.”

Let me be clear: this is not to question the intentions of the millions of educators and administrators working to help their students learn. But we should also recognize that it’s time we take a step back, reevaluate and refocus our efforts to better serve our students and their families.

HUMAN NEEDS, NOT SPECIAL NEEDS

This conference, your work and our students came to mind when I watched a video recently produced for World Down Syndrome Day. Some of you may have seen it.

A young woman with Down syndrome is shown reading a headline: “People with Down syndrome have special needs.” She doesn’t seem to think so, and then suggests other humorous “needs” that might be considered “special” — like if they could only eat dinosaur eggs, or had to wear a suit of armor everywhere they went.

But, she says, “What we really need is education. Jobs and opportunities. Friends, and a little love — like everybody else.”

She’s absolutely right. You know well that educating students with disabilities involves focused attention, but that does not mean schools or administrators should expect any less from them or that they should be sold short.

But too many schools, for too long, have done just that. They said a student’s IEP was appropriate so long as it was designed to provide “merely more than de minimis” progress.

De minimis? The minimum? De minimis is preposterous. Our students deserve better.

IMPLICATIONS OF ENDREW

Endrew F’s parents knew that. I know everyone’s followed that case closely: it’s a major victory for students with disabilities and their parents.

Each year, Endrew’s IEP looked like the year before. Endrew didn’t make any progress, but the school district claimed it was bound by the “appropriate” standard.

Endrew’s parents removed him from that school and placed him in a private one they believed would better meet his needs. They were right. Endrew began to progress in ways he hadn’t before. His parents felt they should be reimbursed by the school district for failing to provide a free appropriate public education. The district essentially dared them to sue, so they did. And they won.

A unanimous Supreme Court — and that doesn’t happen every day — displayed common sense and interpreted IDEA to apply a better standard for Endrew, and all our students. When planning an IEP, schools must be “appropriately ambitious,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote. “Every child should have the chance to meet challenging objectives.”

Settling for minimum progress is not appropriate education. “Instruction that aims so low,” the Chief Justice cited, “would be tantamount to” watching our students sit idly in classrooms each year until they are old enough to “drop out.”

When it comes to educating students with disabilities, failure is not an option. De minimis isn’t either.

So, we should honor the courage Endrew’s parents showed in rejecting such a low bar for their son.

Yet we should also recognize that Endrew’s parents had the advantage of resources to choose another school for him.

Most families don’t have that advantage and thus they don’t have a choice. Their child may be trapped in a school that simply isn’t the right fit for them to grow and to thrive and to learn. This is neither right nor just, and it’s fundamentally at odds with the American value of equal opportunity.

Every family should have the ability to choose the learning environment that is right for their child. They shouldn’t have to sue their way to the Supreme Court to get it.

WHAT WE’RE DOING TO HELP

This is our opportunity to do better. And, we are interested in hearing from you; questions you may have, challenges you are facing, and your success stories. Ensuring that all children with disabilities have appropriately ambitious goals and the chance to meet challenging objectives is a priority for the Department.

We know many of you use the IDEA website to access important resources and information, so I know how unfortunate it was for it to crash earlier this year. What a mess it was! It hadn’t been updated in over a decade, and its server had been left in a back corner to gather dust. It was an embarrassment, but more than that, it was a terrible disservice to all of us, and to all of the parents and advocates across the nation.

We did more than simply bring it back online; we totally overhauled it.

With your great input, we’ve made it attractive — imagine that, an attractive government website! — and improved its navigation, with an expanded search feature and additional resources for parents and educators alike.

Thank you for letting us know what was most important to you. Your feedback reinforced the importance of access to information. My office is here to lighten your burden so that you can focus on doing right by our students. You deserve a regularly improving vehicle for getting the information you need, and we’re committed to continuing to iterate and improve this site.

That is also one of the reasons this conference is so valuable. Our conversations here, and the relationships developed, are vital to the success of our students.

Student success requires we put each of them at the center of everything we do, especially when things don’t go right.

That’s why I’ve reestablished equal treatment of IDEA cases in the Office for Civil Rights, ensuring they are prioritized as much as any other complaints.

Children with disabilities are no less deserving of their civil rights protections than any other student. Under my watch, that practice has ended and it will not stand.

Furthermore, a posture of “adequacy” is inadequate. It breeds mediocrity at best, it is wholly unjust, and it is, frankly, insulting.

It’s no longer enough to simply pass a child along. You and I already knew that, but we can thank Endrew’s parents for bringing renewed attention to this fact. Respect and value are not luxuries. They are our values and they are the law of the land.

Some of us have lived long enough to remember the television show “Father Knows Best.” Well, parents of children with disabilities know best. They should be the ones to decide where and how their children are educated.

Families must be empowered to make these kinds of choices that are in the best interests of their children. And the state should never stand in the way of parents choosing what is right for their child. If we truly seek to be student-centric, we must give families increased choice.

Our work doesn’t end with offering better choices either. We’re here to prepare our students for what comes next.

As our friend with Down syndrome rightly pointed out, education leads to jobs and opportunities; it also fosters friendship and love. Those aren’t minimal needs — they’re human needs.

Low standards and expectations tell our students that we don’t have hope for them. That we don’t believe in them. But we do.

Every student should be loved and respected, and with our help, they can gain the tools to grow and become everything they meant to be.

Our children — all of our children — are 100 percent of our nation’s future. They deserve 100 percent of our efforts.

Thank you, and God bless you in all that you do.

Fuente noticia: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/answer-sheet/wp/2017/07/18/the-deep-irony-in-betsy-devoss-first-speech-on-special-education/?utm_term=.bed6c63a00f8

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Estados Unidos en Venezuela

Por: Silvina Romano y Aníbal García

El Congreso estadounidense viene dedicando importantes energías y recursos a “resolver” la situación en Venezuela, como si se tratase de territorio soberano estadounidense. Solo en lo que va de 2017: se aprobó una ley (en enero) mediante la cual se asignan 7 millones de dólares para la “asistencia para la democracia y los derechos humanos de la sociedad civil de Venezuela”; una propuesta de ley para los refugiados venezolanos (abril), otra propuesta para la Asistencia Humanitaria y la defensa de la Gobernanza Democrática (mayo), además de una resolución para instar al presidente Trump a implementar sanciones (abril).[1] Sin dudas, el proyecto de ley más “integral”, fue el presentado por un grupo bipartidista de 15 senadores estadounidenses, encabezado por Ben Cardin (Demócrata) y Marco Rubio (Republicano) a principios de mayo (S. 1018).[2] El proyecto presenta al menos dos dimensiones interesantes y sugerentes para agregar a los análisis sobre el conflicto en Venezuela desde la perspectiva de los intereses estadounidenses: la relativa al texto del proyecto de Ley en sí mismo – que puede ser comprendido como una suerte de mapa a seguir por el gobierno-sector privado estadounidense en Venezuela- y la relativa al petróleo y la seguridad estadounidense.

Lineamientos para el retorno al neoliberalismo en Venezuela

La Ley Cardin “para proveer ayuda humanitaria al pueblo de Venezuela, defender la gobernanza democrática y combatir la expansión de la corrupción pública en Venezuela” es presentada como una hoja de ruta para los organismos del gobierno estadounidense y sus funcionarios, así como para organismos internacionales, dando por sentado que finalmente se llegará a un escenario propicio para aplicar las medidas propuestas, muchas de las cuales han sido rechazadas de modo contundente por el gobierno venezolano –el cómo se logra este escenario, está asociado a las estrategias de desestabilización que han sido aplicadas sistemáticamente, cada vez con mayor insistencia y virulencia, panorama en el que se incluyen planes del Comando Sur como Operación Freedom 2[3].

Los aspectos que aborda el proyecto de ley son: asistencia humanitaria, apoyo a la OEA en la aplicación de la Carta Democrática; apoyo de organismos internacionales en el monitoreo de elecciones; apoyo a los países del Caribe. Como justificación de estas medidas se enuncia lo relativo a la corrupción y el narcotráfico (planteando sanciones concretas para funcionarios venezolanos), así como la relación de PDVSA con empresas rusas y la amenaza a la seguridad de EEUU.

Como asunto fundamental, se proporcionan una serie de datos sobre la crisis alimentaria y de acceso a medicinas en Venezuela, aduciendo que hay altos índices de malnutrición, especialmente en niños. Llama la atención que este tipo de atención solo vaya destinada para Venezuela, cuando en América Latina hay países como Guatemala donde uno de cada dos niños entre cero y seis años sufre de desnutrición;[4] o México, donde más del 50% de la población vive por debajo de la línea de pobreza.[5]

Desde un inicio, el documento presume que el gobierno venezolano es autoritario y que no representa los intereses o necesidades de los venezolanos y por eso el objetivo es que el Presidente Maduro acepte la ayuda para resolver la “crisis humanitaria”; restituya los poderes a la Asamblea Nacional; permita llevar a cabo elecciones “de acuerdo a lo establecido en la Constitución de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela” (Sec.3). En particular esta última “sugerencia” da cuenta de un ánimo intervencionista, al poner en duda el propio conocimiento del gobierno de Venezuela sobre lo establecido en la Constitución, cuando el gobierno ya ha planteado una alternativa, la convocatoria a Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, que por no responder a los cánones democráticos esperados por la comunidad internacional y la oposición, ha sido definida como “ilegítima” (a pesar de que es una alternativa que figura con claridad en la Constitución).

Pero el intervencionismo se exhibe con mayor claridad aún en lo referido al modo en que se implementará la “asistencia humanitaria”: fluirá por medio de la Agencia Estadounidense para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID) y ONGs, que además de proveer los alimentos y medicinas “necesarias”, gestionarán “asistencia técnica para garantizar su distribución además de procurar mejorar la transparencia y accountability de las instituciones públicas de Venezuela” (Sec 4, incisos 3 y 4). Se deriva de esta propuesta que los técnicos estadounidenses y de ONGs locales asociadas a la USAID serían los encargados de intervenir para reorganizar el funcionamiento correcto de los organismos estatales. A esto se suma además la actuación de la ONU, la Organización Panamericana para la Salud, el BID y el BM (Sec. 5, inciso 3). Se plantea entonces, sin reparo, el desembarco de las Instituciones Financieras y Organismos Internacionales coordinados por oficinas del gobierno estadounidense para “reorientar” al Estado venezolano. Trayectoria que no solo remite al recetario neoliberal (que probó ser fallido en Venezuela), sino que se trata de un modus operandi pos-Golpe aplicado en varias experiencias anteriores (especialmente sugerente es el caso de Guatemala en 1954).[6] Tal vez debido a estos antecedentes, el proyecto de Ley considera que estas sugerencias son prácticamente un hecho y solicita la asignación de un presupuesto de aproximadamente 10 millones de dólares para su ejecución (Sec. 7).

Como medida de presión complementaria de cara a lograr el escenario requerido para aplicar los lineamientos planteados, se propone trabajar con mayor énfasis en las sanciones para funcionarios venezolanos “corruptos”, responsabilizándolos por la erosión de la democracia (Sec 9 y 10). Una apuesta que ha tenido éxito en Brasil, con el Lava Jato y el corolario de cárcel de 9 años para Lula da Silva, todo un montaje dirigido a dirimir los conflictos políticos a través de la vía judicial, para eliminar las alternativas políticas posibles[7].

Pero no se trata solo de “limpiar” la burocracia Estatal venezolana y (re)construir un Estado a imagen y semejanza de la “democracia neoliberal”. Se propone para ello asfixiar la economía venezolana. Por un lado, se enfatiza en la necesidad y urgencia de que EEUU se acerque a los países del Caribe que estén vinculados a Venezuela por medio del petróleo –y que son los que vienen bloqueando en cierta medida la aplicación de la Carta Democrática a Venezuela en las votaciones de la OEA. Se postula la necesidad de lograr un mayor acceso a las fuentes energéticas de esos países, incluido el desarrollo de proyectos de financiamiento de energías alternativas por medios público-privados (Sec. 8). Se pide la acción conjunta de Departamento de Estado, USAID y la Overseas Private Investment Corpororation (todos organismos que han estado implicados en procesos de desestabilización desde la Guerra Fría hasta la actualidad).[8] Por otro lado, se busca debilitar a PDVSA, aduciendo que se trataría de una empresa que pone en riesgo la “seguridad nacional” de Estados Unidos.

CITGO, la “amenaza” a la Seguridad Nacional de Estados Unidos

Uno de los rubros destacados de la Ley Cardin es el llamado de atención sobre PDVSA y su filial en Estados Unidos, PDVSA-CITGO. Según el texto S.1018, CITGO tiene una importancia crucial para la Seguridad Nacional estadounidense, con implicaciones geopolíticas preocupantes, más allá de la inestabilidad económica y política venezolana. Según las propias fuentes estadounidenses, PDVSA obtuvo un préstamo de la petrolera Rosneft -controlada por el gobierno ruso- utilizando 49.9% de la filial estadounidense de PDVSA, CITGO Petroleum Corporation, incluyendo sus activos en Estados Unidos, como garantía”.[9] Se aduce de que se trata de un asunto vital para la seguridad nacional estadounidense, en términos estratégicos, pues se estima que CITGO posee y controla infraestructura en 19 estados estadounidenses, incluyendo tuberías, refinerías en Louisiana, Illinois y Texas, que procesan 749 mil barriles al día, más de 6 mil gasolineras en 27 estados, sobre todo de la Costa Este. La refinería de CITGO en Louisiana es la sexta refinería en tamaño en Estados Unidos. Aun tomando nota de estas características, CITGO no se compara con las grandes petroleras de EEUU, como Exxon, que ha sido catalogada como la empresa de hidrocarburos más grande del mundo[10]. De modo tal que las sanciones solicitadas estarían dirigidas a generar un embargo que disminuya considerablemente las finanzas venezolanas en un contexto de baja de los precios de petróleo a nivel mundial.

Por otra parte, la voz de alarma se enciende al asegurar que en caso de “default o incumplimiento de las obligaciones por parte del Estado venezolano”, una filial de PDVSA como CITGO, podría quedar en manos de la rusa Rosneft y se desliza que eso permitiría la “penetración rusa” en EEUU (Sec 11, inciso 5). Esto que es presentado como una posible estrategia de injerencia ruso-venezolana es rápidamente desbaratado por los hechos: no se trata de la influencia de CITGO, sino del protagonismo de las petroleras en la política y la economía estadounidense en general (debido al modo en que opera el cabildeo y la puerta giratoria en esa democracia: baste recordar que el actual secretario de Estado, Rex Tillerson, es histórico CEO de Exxon). Un ejemplo es que CITGO cabildea desde hace meses en la Casa Blanca y aportó 500.000 dólares a la campaña de Trump, sumándose a acciones similares de Chevron, Exxon, BP, etc.[11] Así, es poco probable que CITGO constituya una verdadera amenaza para un gobierno como el estadounidense, respaldado por las grandes petroleras, que lejos de destinar energías a preocuparse por una intervención rusa, apuestan por un plan de expansión (America First Offshore Energy) que pretende hacer de Estados Unidos el “líder y principal proveedor de energéticos a nivel mundial y asegurar los principales mercados de energéticos del mundo”.[12]

Por todo lo anterior, para Estados Unidos es primordial que de un modo u otro se “reemplace” al gobierno actual por otro predispuesto a subordinarse política y económicamente. Por lo pronto, en las próximas semanas vencerán los plazos relativos a las sanciones y juicios a funcionarios venezolanos, de modo que habrá que estar atentos a nuevos capítulos del intento de intervención de Estados Unidos en América Latina. Veremos…

[1] Congressional Research Service, “Venezuela: Background and US Policy”, June 2017, pp 29-30.

[2] https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/senate-bill/1018/text

[3] http://www.celag.org/el-comando-sur-en-america-latina-y-la-inestabilidad-en-venezuela-por-silvina-romano/

[4] http://www.hispantv.com/noticias/guatemala/327268/desnutricion-derechos-ninos-programas-jimmy-morales

[5] http://www.excelsior.com.mx/nacional/2016/03/23/1082333

[6] http://www.journals.unam.mx/index.php/deraizdiversa/article/view/58498

[7] http://www.celag.org/lawfare-la-judicializacion-de-la-politica-en-america-latina/

[8] http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0121-47052012000300011

[9] “Venezuela Humanitarian Assistance and Defense of Democratic Governance Act of 2017” https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/senate-bill/1018/text

[10] https://www.forbes.com/sites/laurengensler/2017/05/24/the-worlds-largest-oil-and-gas-companies-2017-exxon-mobil-reigns-supreme-chevron-slips/#29dc39974f87

[11] http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/286/201704180300150286/201704180300150286.pdf en concreto véase la página 21. CITGO a su vez, contrató a la firma de Corey Lewandowski (ex asesor de campaña de Trump) para tener injerencia en las decisiones políticas estadounidenses respecto a restricciones y sanciones.

[12] https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/04/28/presidential-executive-order-implementing-america-first-offshore-energy

Fuente: http://www.celag.org/estados-unidos-en-venezuela/

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EEUU: Por qué el presupuesto de Educación de Trump puede perjudicar a los estudiantes más pobres

EEUU / www.univision.com / 19 de Julio de 2017

Muchos de los programas que están siendo recortados en el presupuesto de educación Trump-DeVos ayudan a familias de bajos ingresos, muchas de ellas familias latinas, que muy probablemente no se beneficiarán de los fondos que serán reasignados hacia la libre elección de escuela.

Apodada ‘Un Nuevo Cimiento para la Grandeza Estadounidense’, la propuesta de presupuesto para 2018 del presidente Donald Trump pretende hacer que la economía crezca más rápidamente y reducir la deuda. Pero sólo 59,000 millones de dólares de ese presupuesto se han destinado para la educación: un recorte de 9,200 millones de dólares (13.5%) en comparación con el año pasado.

Read this article in English on The Conversation

El plan de educación también elimina o reduce más de 30 programas que la secretaria de Educación Betsy DeVos y su equipo consideran una duplicación de otros programas, ineficaces, o que resulta más apropiado apoyar con fondos privados, estatales o locales.

Como expertos en finanzas públicas y asociaciones escolares-comunitarias, hemos visto el impacto de muchos de estos programas. Estos recortes y otros aspectos del plan de educación Trump-DeVos podrían tener consecuencias duraderas para los niños en Estados Unidos, especialmente los que viven en la pobreza.

«Más niños latinos viven en la pobreza –6.1 millones en 2010– que otros grupos étnicos o raciales de niños en el país», reporta el Centro de Investigación Pew usando datos del censo de Estados Unidos. «En 2010, el 37.3% de los niños pobres eran latinos, 30.5% eran blancos y 26.6% eran negros».

DeVos declaró en la reunión del Subcomité de Trabajo, Salud y Servicios...
DeVos declaró en la reunión del Subcomité de Trabajo, Salud y Servicios Humanos, Educación y Agencias Relacionadas del Comité de Asignaciones de la Cámara sobre el presupuesto fiscal 2018 del Departamento de Educación, el 24 de mayo de 2017. Alex Wong/Getty Images

Los cortes y las consecuencias

En la superficie, el motivo de la administración para recortar estos programas parece claro: reducir gastos en algunos programas existentes o eliminarlos por completo para aliviar presupuestos a corto plazo. Nuestra conclusión, sin embargo, es que las consecuencias a largo plazo podrían ser graves.

Consideremos, por ejemplo, el programa Centros de Aprendizaje de la Comunidad para el Siglo XXI(CCLC, por sus siglas en inglés), el cual provee enriquecimiento académico extracurricular a estudiantes en comunidades muy pobres. El programa de los CCLC presta servicios a 2 millones de niños en 11,500 centros en todo el país. Auditorías de gestión llevadas a cabo por el Departamento de Educación en el año 2015 demostraron que «este amplio programa toca la vida de los estudiantes en formas que tendránrepercusiones de largo alcance«.

En estos centros, los niños en comunidades de alta pobreza –muchas veces latinos– obtienen ayuda adicional para enriquecer sus habilidades en matemáticas e inglés, mejorar las habilidades que les permiten participar en clase y para mejorar su comportamiento en esta. Según las auditorías, casi el 50% de los niños que participaron reportaron mejoras en sus calificaciones escolares y más del 20% reportaron mejoras en las puntuaciones de evaluaciones estatales. Más del 50% de los profesores reportan una mejora en el completamiento de tareas y el comportamiento de los alumnos.

Bajo el plan Trump-DeVos, la financiación de los CCLC sería eliminada, de inmediato. Las investigaciones han demostrado que eliminar gradualmente programas como los CCLC les da a las escuelas y a los gobiernos tiempo suficiente para determinar si los vacíos que quedan atrás pueden llenarse. En 2013, por ejemplo, se le hizo un recorte igualmente abrupto a Head Start, un programa preescolar para familias de bajos ingresos, y estos cortes repentinos dejaron a muchas familias sin cuidado diurno para niños de 3 a 5 años de edad.

El nuevo presupuesto también planea eliminar CCAMPIS, un programa que subvenciona la guardería infantil para padres que estén matriculados en la universidad, e IAL, que proporciona libros de alta calidad a bibliotecas escolares. Ambos programas atienden predominantemente a familias de bajos ingresos y ambos muestran un impacto positivo.

¿Quién realmente tiene la opción de elegir su escuela?

Algunos de estos recortes de educación serán reasignados para expandir las escuelas chárter, extender vales para escuelas privadas y religiosas, y apoyar escuelas públicas para que adopten políticas favorables a la libre elección. Estas reasignaciones, al igual que los recortes, afectarán principalmente a familias de bajos ingresos.

¿Por qué? Todo se reduce a quién realmente tiene una opción a la hora de elegir la escuela.

El programa de Centros de Aprendizaje de la Comunidad para el Siglo XXI...
El programa de Centros de Aprendizaje de la Comunidad para el Siglo XXI ofrece apoyo a programas extraescolares que ofrecen intervención académica, actividades de enriquecimiento, y actividades de desarrollo de los jóvenes. Arizona Department of Education

Aunque DeVos podría argumentar que su propuesta política proporciona a todas las familias la opción de seleccionar las escuelas chárter o privadas que reciben apoyo de los vales, sabemos que los niños de familias de bajos ingresos, que ahora representan el 51% de los estudiantes de las escuelas públicas de Estados Unidos, no tienen el mismo acceso a la elección de escuela que los niños de familias de clase media y alta.

Mientras que las escuelas públicas están obligadas a atender a todos los niños, las escuelas chárter y privadas atienden a los niños cuyas familias saben de ellas, las buscan y solicitan ingreso a ellas. Pero muchos padres enfrentan desafíos importantes para conectar a sus hijos con las oportunidades educativas de ‘elección’: los padres mismos pueden no tener estudios, ser analfabetos, no hablar inglés con fluidez, no tener acceso a computadoras y/o teléfonos, no tener transporte suficiente o tener más de un empleo. Estos desafíos afectan desproporcionadamente a las familias que viven en la pobreza.

Como resultado, el enfoque de DeVos en la elección y los vales es probable que amplíe, en lugar de reducir, la brecha entre los niños de familias de ingresos bajos y los de familias de ingresos medianos.

Hay maneras de mitigar esto (y algunas escuelas chárter lo están haciendo), pero la propuesta de DeVos ni exige ni premia estas disposiciones. Por ejemplo, la College Prep Charter School de la Sociedad de Ayuda al Niño tiene criterios de admisión que benefician a los niños que son de bajos ingresos, están aprendiendo el idioma inglés, y/o están «involucrados con el bienestar social».

Aunque algunas escuelas chárter en todo el país les dan prioridad a los estudiantes de bajos ingresos, el nuevo presupuesto no les da a las escuelas incentivo alguno para hacer esto.

El papel de la financiación federal en la educación va más allá del aume...
El papel de la financiación federal en la educación va más allá del aumento del desempeño académico general de los niños estadounidenses. Frederic J. Brown/AFP/Getty Images

La educación desigual y el futuro

Estados Unidos gasta más dinero que cualquier otro país en la educación de los niños. Creemos que esta inversión ha conseguido algunos resultados sustanciales en los logros educativos de los estudiantes del país: según el Centro Nacional de Estadísticas de Educación, los puntajes en lectura y matemáticas de alumnos de cuarto grado mejoraron significativamente entre 2006 y 2011.

Sin embargo, el papel de la financiación federal en la educación va más allá del aumento del desempeño académico general de los niños. La financiación federal complementa la a veces injusta financiación del gobierno estatal y local, garantizando que todos los estudiantes tengan la misma oportunidad de éxito.

Pero en el caso del nuevo presupuesto, los programas que reducen las diferencias para los estudiantes de bajos ingresos que tienen dificultades están siendo eliminados a fin de apoyar iniciativas de elección de escuela que normalmente utilizan las familias más acomodadas.

Hemos conversado con padres de todos los niveles de ingresos y la gran mayoría de ellos nos dijeron que lo que más desean es que sus hijos sean más exitosos que lo que ellos llegaron a ser. El presupuesto de DeVos perjudica a los padres que tienen dificultades para subsistir, y esto les hará todavía más difícil ver a sus hijos triunfar y hacer realidad ese sueño.

Fuente: http://www.univision.com/noticias/educacion-publica/por-que-el-presupuesto-de-educacion-de-trump-puede-perjudicar-a-los-estudiantes-mas-pobres

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EEUU: Up to 14% of community college students are homeless, new study says

América del Norte/EEUU/College.usatoday.com

Resumen: Un nuevo estudio de la fundadora del laboratorio de Wisconsin HOPE Sara Goldrick-Rab y dos coautores descubrieron que miles de estudiantes universitarios comunitarios de todo el país no tienen hogar o están al borde de la falta de vivienda. El Wisconsin HOPE Lab dice que es «el primer laboratorio nacional para la investigación traslacional dirigido a mejorar los resultados equitativos en la educación postsecundaria». El estudio encuestó a más de 30.000 estudiantes en 70 colegios comunitarios en 24 estados. Se encontró que el 13-14% de los estudiantes estaban sin hogar y alrededor de la mitad eran inseguros de vivienda, lo que significa que han perdido los pagos de alquiler o sofá-surf de un lugar a otro. La encuesta también encontró que dos tercios de los estudiantes universitarios de la comunidad no cuentan con sustento alimentario seguro, lo que significa que carecen de los recursos para alimentarse adecuadamente.

At the age of 35 and caring for her 9-year-old son, Mary Baxter found herself without a place to live last summer. Forced from her apartment because of unlivable conditions and her landlord facing foreclosure, Baxter knew she needed to go back to school.

“For me, it wasn’t an option,” says Baxter, who received a two-year art and design degree from Community College of Philadelphia in May 2016.

Unable to afford the art schools she had been accepted to, like NYU and University of Chicago, she returned to Community College of Philadelphia in Fall 2016. Baxter wanted to further her education for a better job that would allow her to escape poverty.

“How can you feed yourself on $8 an hour with a kid and pay rent?” Baxter says. “There’s no way.”

Baxter’s predicaments are not uncommon among community college students.

new study by Wisconsin HOPE Lab founder Sara Goldrick-Rab and two co-authors found that thousands of community college students nationwide are homeless or on the verge of homelessness. The Wisconsin HOPE Lab says it’s “the nation’s first laboratory for translational research aimed at improving equitable outcomes in postsecondary education.”

The study surveyed more than 30,000 students at 70 community colleges in 24 states. It found that 13-14% of students were homeless and about half were housing insecure, meaning they’ve missed rent payments or couch-surf from place to place. The survey also found that two-thirds of community college students are food insecure, meaning they lack the resources to properly feed themselves.

Another recent survey found 20% of  Los Angeles community college students are homeless and nearly two-thirds are food insecure. Past studies have found similarly high numbers when it comes to college homelessness across the country.

 And Goldrick-Rab noted homeless students’ commitment to their education.“Despite being homeless, students spend as much time in class and on school topics as other non-homeless students,” she wrote. “They are clearly committed to their education; their homelessness isn’t due to a lack of effort or commitment.”

Baxter and her son currently sleep on her cousin’s couch while she works on finishing her degree. She’s five credits away from a behavioral health degree but continues to struggle with the cost, lacking a steady source of income.

“I’m an ex-felon. I have two felonies,” says Baxter, who was recently awarded a fellowship for formerly incarcerated artists. “It’s kind of hard for me to get employment, even after all my academic accolades.”

Goldrick-Rab’s study estimates only 5% of student parents like Baxter receive any child care assistance.

She says many things can be done to help struggling students. “If college prices were lower, if the minimum wage were higher and/or if colleges offered affordable housing and food options, this situation wouldn’t be so bad,” she wrote. “It would also help if students could receive the same supports for food and housing in college that they receive in (K-12) education.”

Some states, like Michigan and Florida, have organizations that help students afford housing. Florida has the Southern Scholarship Foundation, which provides rent-free housing for students across the state with limited financial means who maintain at least a 3.0 GPA. They award 470 rent-free scholarships to students at seven community colleges and universities across the state.

Woodin says although there seems to be a sudden interest in college homelessness from the community, the problem has always been there.

“We were created in 1955 because the dean of education at (Florida State University) came across students who had full scholarships, but their families didn’t have the money to send them away to college,” he says. “I think we’re starting to get good data on just how pervasive it is.”

Baxter, who’s working toward her dream of helping underprivileged youth tell their life challenge stories through multimedia, wants people to simply have compassion and empathy for people in her situation.

“I don’t think people really know how devastating it can be,” she says. “Just having a conversation is a starting point.”

Fuente: http://college.usatoday.com/2017/06/30/up-to-14-of-community-college-students-are-homeless-new-study-says/

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A New American Revolution: Can We Break Out of Our Nation’s Culture of Cruelty?

By: Henry Giroux

Fighting back against the right’s politics of exclusion can be a path toward rebuilding American democracy

The health care reform bills proposed by Republicans in the House and Senate have generated heated discussions across a vast ideological and political spectrum. On the right, senators such as Rand Paul and Ted Cruz have endorsed a new level of cruelty — one that has a long history among the radical right — by arguing that the current Senate bill does not cut enough social services and provisions for the poor, children, the elderly and other vulnerable groups and needs to be even more friendly to corporate interests by providing massive tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans.

Among right-wing pundits, the message is similar. For instance, Fox News commentator Lisa Kennedy Montgomery, in a discussion about the Senate bill, stated without apparent irony that rising public concerns over the suffering, misery and death that would result from this policy bordered on “hysteria” since “we are all going to die anyway.” Montgomery’s ignorance about the relationship between access to health care and lower mortality rates is about more than ignorance. It is about a culture of cruelty that is buttressed by a moral coma.

On the other side of the ideological and political divide, liberals such as Robert Reich have rightly stated that the bill is not only cruel and inhumane, it is essentially a tax reform bill for the 1 percent and a boondoggle that benefits the vampire-like insurance companies. Others, such as Laila Lalami of The Nation, have reasoned that what we are witnessing with such policies is another example of political contempt for the poorest and most vulnerable on the part of right-wing politicians and pundits. These arguments are only partly right and do not go far enough in their criticisms of the new political dynamics and mode of authoritarianism that have overtaken the United States. Put more bluntly, they suffer from limited political horizons.

What we do know about both the proposed Republican Party federal budget and health care policies, in whatever form, is that they will lay waste to crucial elements of the social contract while causing huge amounts of suffering and misery. For instance, the Senate bill will lead to massive reductions in Medicaid spending. Medicaid covers 20 percent of all Americans or 15 million people, along with 49 percent of all births, 60 percent of all children with disabilities and 64 percent of all nursing home residents, many of whom may be left homeless without this support.

Under this bill, 22 million people will lose their health insurance coverage, to accompany massive cuts proposed to food-stamp programs that benefit at least 43 million people. The Senate health care bill allows insurance companies to charge more money from the most vulnerable. It cuts maternity care and phases out coverage for emergency services. Moreover, as Lalami points out, “this bill includes nearly $1 trillion in tax cuts, about half of which will flow to those who make more than $1 million per year.” The latter figure is significant when measured against the fact that Medicaid would see a $772 billion cut in the next 10 years.

It gets worse. The Senate bill will drastically decrease social services and health care in rural America, and one clear consequence will be rising mortality rates. In addition, Dr. Steffie Woolhandler, co-author of a recent article in the Annals of Internal Medicine, has estimated that if health insurance is taken away from 22 million people, “it raises … death rates by between 3 and 29 percent. And the math on that is that if you take health insurance away from 22 million people, about 29,000 of them will die every year, annually, as a result.”

Leftists and other progressives need a new language to understand the rise of authoritarianism in the United States and the inhumane and cruel policies it is producing. I want to argue that the discourse of single issues, whether aimed at regressive tax cuts, police violence or environmental destruction, is not enough. Nor is the traditional Marxist discourse of exploitation and accumulation by dispossession adequate for understanding the current historical conjuncture.

The problem is not merely one of exploitation but one of exclusion. This politics of exclusion, Slavoj Žižek argues, “is no longer about the old class division between workers and capitalists, but … about not allowing some people to participate in public life.” People are not simply prevented from participating in public life through tactics such as voter suppression. It is worse than that. Many groups now suffer from a crisis of agency and depoliticization because they are overburdened by the struggle to survive. Time is a disaster for them, especially in a society that suffers from what Dr. Stephen Grosz has called a “catastrophe of indifference.” The ghost of a savage capitalism haunts the health care debate and American politics in general.

What does health care, or justice itself, mean in a country dominated by corporations, the military and the ruling 1 percent? The health care crisis makes clear that the current problem of hyper-capitalism is not only about stealing resources or an intensification of the exploitation of labor, but also about a politics of exclusion and the propagation of forms of social and literal death, through what the late Zygmunt Bauman described as “the most conspicuous cases of social polarization, of deepening inequality, and of rising volumes of human poverty, misery and humiliation.”

A culture of myopia now propels single-issue analyses detached from broader issues. The current state of progressive politics has collapsed into ideological silos, and feeds “a deeper terror — of helplessness, to which uncertainty is but a contributing factor,” as Bauman puts it, which all too often is transformed into a depoliticizing cynicism or a misdirected anger fed by a Trump-like politics of rage and fear. The fear of disposability has created a new ecology of insecurity and despair that murders dreams, squelches any sense of an alternative future and depoliticizes people. Under such circumstances, the habits of oligarchy and authoritarianism become normalized.

Traditional liberal and progressive discourses about our current political quagmire are not wrong. They are simply incomplete, and they do not grasp a major shift that has taken place in the United States since the late 1970s. That shift is organized around what Bauman, Stanley Aronowitz, Saskia Sassen and Brad Evans have called a new kind of politics, one in which entire populations are considered disposable, refuse, excess and consigned to fend for themselves.

Evidence of such expulsions and social homelessness, whether referring to poor African-Americans, Mexican immigrants, Muslims or Syrian refugees, constitute a new and accelerated level of oppression under casino capitalism. Moreover, buttressed by a hyper-market-driven appeal to a radical individualism, a distrust of all social bonds, a survival-of-the-fittest ethic and a willingness to separate economic activity from social costs, neoliberal policies are now enacted in which public services are underfunded, bad schools become the norm, health care as a social provision is abandoned, child care is viewed as an individual responsibility and social assistance is viewed with disdain. Evil now appears not merely in the overt oppression of the state but as a widespread refusal on the part of many Americans to react to the suffering of others, which is all too often viewed as self-inflicted.

Under this new regime of massive cruelty and disappearance, the social state is hollowed out and the punishing state becomes the primary template or model for addressing social problems. Appeals to character as a way to explain the suffering and immiseration many people experience are now supplemented by the protocols of the security state and a culture of fear.

The ethical imagination and moral evaluation are viewed by the new authoritarians in power as objects of contempt, making it easier for the Trump administration to accelerate the dynamics and reach of the punishing state. Everyday behaviors such as jaywalking, panhandling, “walking while black” or violating a dress code in school are increasingly criminalized. Schools have become feeders into the criminal-prison-industrial complex for many young people, especially youth of color. State terrorism rains down with greater intensity on immigrants and minorities of color, religion and class. The official state message is to catch, punish and imprison excess populations — to treat them as criminals rather than lives to be saved.

The “carceral state” and a culture of fear have become the foundational elements that drive the new politics of authoritarianism and disposability. What the new health bill proposal makes clear is that the net of expulsions is widening under what could be called an accelerated politics of disposability. In the absence of a social contract and a massive shift in wealth and power to the upper 1 percent, vast elements of the population are now subject to a kind of zombie politics in which the status of the living dead is conferred upon them.

One important example is the massive indifference, if not cruelty, exhibited by the Trump administration to the opioid crisis that is ravaging more and more communities throughout the United States. The New York Times has reported that more than 59,000 Americans died of drug overdoses in 2016, the largest year-over-year increase ever recorded. The Senate health care proposal cuts funds for programs meant to address this epidemic. The end result is that more people will die and more will be forced to live as if they were the walking dead.

A politics of disposability thrives on distractions — the perpetual game show of American politics — as well as what might be called a politics of disappearance. That is, a politics enforced daily in the mainstream media, which functions as a “disimagination machine,” and renders invisible deindustrialized communities, decaying schools, neighborhoods that resemble slums in the developing world, millions of incarcerated people of color and elderly people locked in understaffed nursing homes.

We live in an age that Brad Evans and I have called an age of multiple expulsions, suggesting that once something is expelled it becomes invisible. In the current age of disposability, the systemic edges of authoritarianism have moved to the center of politics, just as politics is now an extension of state violence. Moreover, in the age of disposability, what was once considered extreme and unfortunate has now become normalized, whether we are talking about policies that actually kill people or that strip away the humanity and dignity of millions.

Disposability is not new in American history, but its more extreme predatory formations are back in new forms. Moreover, what is unique about the contemporary politics of disposability is how it has become official policy, normalized in the discourse of the market, democracy, freedom and a right-wing contempt for human life, if not the planet itself. The moral and social sanctions for greed and avarice that emerged during the Reagan presidency now proliferate unapologetically, if not with glee.

Cruelty is now hardened into a new language in which the unimaginable has become domesticated and “lives with a weight and a sense of importance unmatched in modern times,” in the words of Peter Bacon Hales. With the rise of the new authoritarianism dressed up in the language of freedom and choice, the state no longer feels obligated to provide a safety net or any measures to prevent human suffering, hardship and death.

Freedom in this limited ideological sense generally means freedom from government interference, which translates into a call for lower taxes for the rich and deregulation of the marketplace. This right-wing reduction of freedom to a limited notion of personal liberty is perfectly suited to mobilizing a notion of personal injury largely based on the fear of others. What it does not do is expand the notion of fear from the personal to the social, thus ignoring a broader notion: Freedom from want, misery and poverty. This is a damaged notion of freedom divorced from social and economic rights.

Democratically minded citizens and social movements must return to the crucial issue of addressing how class, power, exclusion, austerity, racism and inequality are part of a more comprehensive politics of disposability in America, one that makes possible what Robert Jay Lifton once called a “death-saturated age.” This suggests the need for a new political language capable of analyzing how this new dystopian politics of exclusion is buttressed by the values of a harsh form of casino capitalism that both legitimates and contributes to the suffering and hardships experienced daily by the traditional working and middle classes, and also by a wide range of groups now considered redundant — young people, poor people of color, immigrants, refugees, religious minorities, the elderly and others.

We are not simply talking about a politics that removes the protective shell of the state from daily life, but a new form of politics that creates a window on our current authoritarian dystopia. The discourse and politics of disposability offers new challenges in addressing and challenging the underlying causes of poverty, class domination, environmental destruction and a resurgent racism — not as a call for reform but as a project of radical reconstruction aimed at the creation of a new political and economic social order.

Such a politics would take seriously what it means to struggle pedagogically and politically over both ideas and material relations of power, making clear that in the current historical moment the battleground of ideas is as crucial as the battle over resources, institutions and power. What is crucial to remember is that casino capitalism or global neoliberalism has created, in Naomi Klein’s terms, “armies of locked out people whose services are no longer needed, whose lifestyles are written off as ‘backward,’ whose basic needs are unmet.”

This more expansive level of global repression and intensification of state violence negates and exposes the compromising discourse of liberalism, while reproducing new levels of systemic violence. Effective struggle against such repression would combine a democratically energized cultural politics of resistance and hope with a politics aimed at offering all workers a living wage and all citizens a guaranteed standard of living, a politics dedicated to providing decent education, housing and health care to all residents of the United States. The discourse of disposability points to another register of expulsion — one with a more progressive valence. In this case, it means refusing to equate capitalism with democracy and struggling to create a mass movement that embraces a radical democratic future.

Source:

A New American Revolution: Can We Break Out of Our Nation’s Culture of Cruelty?

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No Education Crisis Wasted: Billionaires Seek to Make Education in Africa Profitable

Africa/July 18, 2017/By Maria Hengeveld/http://www.alternet.org

Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg are betting big on an effort to turn African education into a for-profit venture. But investigations show that children and their teachers are getting a raw deal.

The dream is wonderful: provide a good education to millions of children growing up in poverty. That’s why Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg, the World Bank and the Dutch Ministry for Foreign Affairs are pouring millions into a company that aims to turn that dream into reality. Investigations show, however, that both the children and their teachers get a raw deal.

Shannon May is clearly emotional when she walks onto the stage in early February 2017. The founder and strategist behind the world’s largest chain of kindergarten and primary schools is about to speak to a room full of women. She will talk about education, motherhood and the reasons why she founded her company, Bridge International Academies, with her husband Jay Kimmelman in 2008.

May and Kimmelman are in Nairobi, the city they live in and where Bridge has its headquarters. About 70 percent of the more than 100,000 pupils attending Bridge schools live in Kenya and around 6,000 staff work and live there. It was also the company’s base for expanding into Uganda, Liberia, Nigeria and India.

In her speech, May tells the story of the founding of Bridge: “I was speaking with mothers and with fathers, about their struggles… two things came up across hundreds of conversions I had… the first was health… the other thing was education.”

This made May think about her own childhood: if she hadn’t had good teachers, she would never have been admitted to Harvard and she would probably never have worked at Morgan Stanley. She would certainly never have come up with the idea of ​​setting up Bridge, the “edu-business model” that aims to provide affordable, high-quality education to millions of children from families who have to live on less than US$2 a day. When the couple founded Bridge in 2008, their dream was to emancipate these children.

The exact number of children involved is unclear.  Sometimes her husband talks about 700 million children, at other times it’s around 700 million families.  According to the World Bank, 767 million people worldwide currently live below the poverty line of 1.90 dollars a day. Whatever the exact figures are, they are high and education opportunities fall short of what is needed. There are not enough good state schools and private schools are often too expensive. May and her husband have spotted a gap in the market: education needs to be better than what state schools offer, and provided at only 30 percent of what the state currently spends per student.

May, close to tears, continues her speech in Nairobi: “Bridge is different because it exists for only one reason, it’s so that every child, not just the rich kids, not just the kids in the cities, not just the kids who have mothers and fathers who can look after them and teach them at home but every kid no matter what else is going on in their lives can go to a great school.” She is even more positive in an interview: “We fight for social justice, to create opportunities.”

And for profit. According to her husband, the “global education crisis”  is worth about US$51 billion a year. In 2013, Kimmelman explained in a presentation how, for less than US$5 in tuition fees per pupil per month, Bridge could grow “into a billion-dollar company” and “radically change the world.” Earlier he and May promised that they could do this for US$4 per month per pupil.

Big dreams and even bigger promises. However, my research and research done by others shows:

  • that their quality claims have not been supported by any independent research;
  • that the education provided turns out to be more expensive than promised;
  • that underpaid teachers have to recruit additional pupils;
  • that they have dismissed criticism from non-governmental organizations and trade unions;
  • that critics are silenced;
  • that a PR offensive has been launched in order to continue selling the education services provided.

Furthermore, €1.4 million of Dutch taxpayers’ money has been poured into the company. Dutch support was provided because Lilianne Ploumen of the country’s Labor Party, currently caretaker Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, believes that Bridge uses an “innovative and cost-effective education model, which is able to keep tuition costs per child down.”

How do you improve education, make it cheaper and also make it profitable? May and Kimmelman have come up with an “innovative pedagogical approach.” The possibility of setting up a few thousand standardized schools within a few years is to be the first innovation. The profit made from each school may be low, but once half a million pupils are recruited — the number of enrollments that Bridge needs to break even — business really takes off. The plan is to reach two million pupils by 2018 and 10 million by 2025.

This rapid growth would be made possible by using Bridge’s second innovative method, namely its very own approach to the role of teachers and their salary scale. May believes that “qualities such as kindness” are more important than diplomas and this allows for significant savings. In Kenya, where the starting salary for qualified teachers is around US$116 dollars a month, Bridge teachers usually earn less than US$100 a month. However, as Kimmelman explains in a presentation, teachers can earn bonuses by recruiting new students themselves. Marketing is a core task for both teachers and school principals.

A third innovative aspect, explains May, is the smart use of technology. It works like this: a team of “master teachers” designs digital “master lessons” that are so detailed that all a teacher needs to do is read them from a special Bridge tablet (know as the Nook).

Leaning how to use the Nook is therefore a key component of the crash course that Bridge teachers must complete. Over three to four weeks, they learn how to download new lesson material, how to present it, and how to record daily scores and progress made with the lessons.

This last skill is crucial, says May. It allows Bridge to see “hundreds of thousands of assessment scores” every day and to find out “what works and what doesn’t.” The “extremely robust data” can then be used to “continuously improve the teaching material.”

Setting up schools from scratch, paying teachers and developing and maintaining technology all cost money.

“One of our challenges when we were first pitching Bridge to investors was getting them to… see people living in poverty not just as beneficiaries but as customers,” May explains in a 2015 World Economic Forum video. It must have been a convincing argument because May and Kimmelman have attracted more than US$100 million in support since Bridge was set up in 2008. Supporters range from venture capitalists, like Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg, to development agencies such as the World Bank.

My request for information under the Dutch Freedom of Information Act revealed that the Dutch government, too, invested nearly €1.4 million in Bridge between 2015 and 2016 via contributions to the Novastar East Africa Fund. Minister Ploumen says that this “indirect support complements the weak public education systems in these countries.”

Support is not only provided through funding. In 2015, the World Economic Forum named May “One of Fifteen Women Who Changed the World.” That very same year, the President of the World Bank, Jim Yong Kim lauded the Bridge business model as one for the future. And a few months ago, Bridge won the Global Shared Value Award, a prestigious prize awarded to companies that have a social mission.

It has made May and Kimmelman extremely self-confident. We have “definitively proven that it is possible to provide high-quality education […] and in doing so solve an increasingly urgent crisis for families, communities and countries,” May wrote in February of this year. Kimmelman even believes that international research shows that Bridge “students already perform better than others in six months.”

If that would be true, why have they still not reached those millions of pupils? Anton (a former academy manager with Bridge, who did not want his real name published) is familiar with the darker side of Bridge’s “innovative pedagogical approach.” Anton was fired after a year in the post when a quality assurance manager and a regional manager made an unannounced visit to his school and discovered three pupils attending in contravention of school fees policy.

The children were registered with Bridge, but were no longer allowed to attend classes because their parents had fallen behind with the payment of tuition fees. Anton knew that he was supposed to turn pupils away if their parents had not paid. He had already had his salary docked once and was at risk of losing his job if he continued to allow those pupils to attend.

Apparently, the children had returned because their parents were not at home and they didn’t feel safe outside. So, their class teacher had allowed them back into the classroom without getting Anton’s permission. But the visiting quality assurance and regional managers did not agree that this was a good enough reason and Anton was told to clear his desk.

On reflection, Anton says he is relieved that he is no longer working for Bridge. He was under too much pressure to attract new pupils and the “rigid payment system” put him in uncomfortable waters with parents. Every month, about half of the parents couldn’t pay their fees on time, and would get upset with Anton when their children were, again, sent home from school. These tensions made it even more difficult to attract new customers and to persuade existing customers to bring in new ones.

“We promised them heaven” says another former academy manager. John (name changed) says it was the only option, “otherwise, you lost your job.” He worked at Bridge for two and a half years before he handed in his resignation. The low salary and the heavy work load (60 hours a week, according to John) were contributing factors. His pangs of conscience were the deciding factor: he felt that he was “constantly deceiving parents.”

It wasn’t because Bridge had directly instructed him to “only mention the basic price to new customers and avoid mentioning additional costs, such as exam fees and uniforms.” But since his salary was partly calculated on his success rates, he often told half truths.

If parents weren’t happy with the strict payment arrangements and threatened to transfer their children to a school with more flexible system, John would think up an argument in an attempt to keep them, telling them for example “that there would soon be a sponsor for them who would pay the tuition fees on their behalf.”

How representative are these reports from these two former academy managers? Juul (name changed) can tell us more. Juul, a researcher, was part of a team that in early 2016 completed nearly four hundred interviews with Bridge parents (128), pupils (65), teachers (21) and academy managers. The research was carried out on behalf of Education International, an international trade union for teachers, which is not a competitor of Bridge.

The academy managers and teachers who were interviewed expressed the same frustrations as Anton and John. They described the marketing work as annoying, demoralizing and underpaid. The Nook script was considered to be restrictive and almost half of those interviewed said that they did not use the Nook as intended or sent “meaningless data” to the headquarters.

“You hear such sad stories,” said Juul. “Some parents took out loans to pay the tuition fees and were evicted from their homes because they were unable to make payments on time.”

Bridge, however, doesn’t agree with the research. In a statement, the company called the report nonsense. It claims:

  • Bridge internal data shows that 64 percent of Bridge teachers enjoy teaching in Bridge classes;
  • 100 percent of them would like to grow with the company; and
  • 96 percent of teachers appreciate the community engagements responsibilities assigned to them.

According to May, the study is therefore proof of the witch hunt that Education International started against her company. The organization had already published a similarly critical report on Bridge in Uganda. May continues to believe in her dream: “Changing the status quo is inherently a challenge to entrenched interests and existing models.”

But those “entrenched interests” aren’t finished with Bridge yet. Angelo Gavrielatos led the Education International research project. He shows me a short film in which Kenyans from various national educational institutions and former Bridge staff criticize the company’s infrastructure, facilities and teaching materials. For example, a former staff manager says that “people are being misled” with promises about an “excellent lesson package.”

A package, it should be noted, that has never been approved by the Kenyan authorities. A leaked letter from the Ministry of Education reveals that a Kenyan inspection had deemed Bridge’s teaching material “largely irrelevant to Kenyan teaching objectives” and that the teaching methods don’t allow teachers enough room to tend to pupils with special needs.

Education International is not the only organization to criticize Bridge. At the start of 2015, 116 non-governmental organizations sent a letter to World Bank President Jim Yong Kim. They stated that there was no evidence at all that Bridge had succeeded in delivering better results than competing state schools and criticized Kim for blindly accepting Bridge’s unverifiable “internal data.”

What’s more, Bridge is by no means as affordable as the company claims. In Kenya, the cost per student is between US$9 and US$13 a month once exam fees, uniforms, books and administration costs are included. The situation is similar in Uganda, the organizations write.

According to Bridge, the organizations’ calculations are entirely wrong. However, when asked, the company does not deny that, in practice, tuition fees are higher than the promised fees of US$4-6. May, meanwhile, continues to insist that Bridge’s prices are reasonable. Because, she writes, by sending their children to Bridge, parents have “determined for themselves that Bridge is affordable” and that they feel that the tuition fees charged by Bridge “are an appropriate rate.”

However, voices within the United Nations have also started to speak out against the Bridge model. When it was announced at the start of March 2016 that Liberia was considering outsourcing its entire primary school system to Bridge, the Special Rapporteur on the right to education stated that “public schools, their teachers, and the concept of education as a public good, are under attack.”

Questions are also being raised by the Ugandan government. Following an inspection, the Ministry of Education found that Bridge schools “showed poor hygiene and sanitation which puts the life and safety of the schoolchildren in danger” and decided that the company had to close 63 schools. May puts this setback down to troublemakers who have “sold lies to the Ugandan government.” Lies that “unfortunately the government has taken seriously.”

It’s Kenya where May’s dream really begins to turn into a nightmare. In August 2016, the Ministry of Education sent the company an ultimatum. Bridge was given 90 days to adapt the curriculum to Kenyan guidelines and ensure that at least half of the teachers had a diploma. If they didn’t meet those requirements, Bridge was at risk of having to close down all of its schools.

But Bridge won’t be beaten. It is trying to silence Kenyan critics, as shown in two leaked letters. One was addressed to the head of the national teachers’ union, the other addressed to the director of a national school association. The first was sent by Bridge’s law firm, the second by Bridge’s in-house lawyer. In both letters, the recipients are threatened with a defamation lawsuit if they continue to speak out against Bridge and portray it as a company that “is only interested in profit.”

Steps have also been taken in Liberia to counter negative reports. Anderson Miamen from the Liberian Coalition for Transparency and Accountability in Education described the situation to me in an e-mail. When he wanted to interview Bridge teachers at the start of this year as part of an assessment study, he discovered that they had apparently been “warned against speaking to visitors or researchers. Especially not about their welfare or that of the children.”

Bridge has also launched a PR offensive. The company opened a London communications office earlier this year and has advertised several vacancies for PR professionals who should have good contacts with the media in order to “promote and protect” Bridge’s reputation.

Since then “Bridge’s success” has been widely praised on Twitter. For example, “A survey shows that 87 percent of the Bridge parents believe that Bridge teachers are well trained and that their teaching method is the best.” There is no link to the survey, only photos of smiling pupils in Bridge uniforms. The new PR manager, Ben Rudd, did not want to send me the survey either. He did, however, send promotional material that refers to the same internal data and mysterious studies. He also offered to arrange a “high-level quote.”

And the data that May earlier described as “robust?” They are up for sale. At least, that’s what a leaked Bridge presentation, meant for investors, from 2016 suggests. In this presentation, Bridge outlined new profit-making opportunities, including the sale of customer information to lenders and insurance companies, and increased profit margins on school lunches and student uniforms.

What has happened to May and Kimmelman’s dream? Opposition from governments, non-governmental organizations and trade unions seems to have slowed down Bridge’s growth considerably. It also looks like the company is not going to reach its planned target of two million pupils by 2018. The company wrote me that it currently has just over 100,000 pupils.

Not all of Bridge’s innovations are bad, of course. Absenteeism among teachers appears to be lower at Bridge schools than at state schools. Juul says that other schools could also take Bridge’s electronic payment methods as an example as a way to tackle corruption.

As for the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its investment of €1.4 million, spokesperson Herman van Gelderen informed me by e-mail that compliance with quality standards and affordability are part of “our involvement and dialogue with Bridge. The findings in the article serve as a basis for discussing these issues with Bridge.” The same applies to the teachers’ workload and remuneration.

Van Gelderen points out that the quality of the education provided is better than at state schools. To back up his argument he refers to a national test  in 2015 and 2016 on which Bridge students apparently scored slightly higher than the national average. But even if Bridge performs better than state schools, it still doesn’t tell us anything about the quality of the education provided by Bridge. Because — and May also admits this herself in an article — the poorest and, therefore, often weaker students, who bring the average exam scores down, mainly go to state schools. Moreover, Bridge is a private school and can therefore also influence scores by not accepting weaker pupils or by unnecessarily making them repeat a year. In Education International’s report, teachers admit that this kind of selection occurs.

High-quality education cannot simply be provided using a universal script, and meaningful learning outcomes cannot be summed up in self-assessed evaluations. Especially not if they are part of a business model that does not tolerate transparency or independent evaluations, and where profit incentives, branding bluff and promotional spiel are rewarded more than honest, critical reflection.

* This is a translation of an article originally published in the Dutch news magazine De Correspondent.

Maria Hengeveld writes about feminism, inequality, multinational corporations and economic justice, sometimes in Dutch.

Source:

http://www.alternet.org/no-education-crisis-wasted

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