Page 111 of 113
1 109 110 111 112 113

Uno de cada tres niños en España sufre malnutrición

España/30 junio 2016/Fuente: Levante

Uno de cada tres niños vive en riesgo de pobreza o exclusión en España, lo que supone que las familias no les pueden reponer las gafas, tienen dificultades para adquirir sus libros de texto, no pueden irse de vacaciones y en determinados contextos sufren problemas de malnutrición, según Unicef.

La organización ha presentado su informe anual «Estado mundial de la infancia» que describe un panorama desolador para el futuro de los niños en situación de mayor pobreza en el mundo si los gobiernos, los donantes, las empresas y las organizaciones internacionales no aceleran los esfuerzos para responder a sus necesidades básicas.

En declaraciones a Efe, el director ejecutivo de Unicef Comité Español, Javier Martos, ha explicado que la tasa de riesgo de pobreza o exclusión social en España se sitúa en el 34,4 por ciento, aunque en algunos colectivos como las familias de padres migrantes alcanza el 60,3 por ciento.

Con la crisis, ha señalado Martos, ha aumentado la pobreza infantil hasta alcanzar a 2,5 millones de niños y los colectivos que se encontraban en una situación de pobreza antes de la crisis se han visto más afectados, como las familias monoparentales, las numerosas, las de migrantes o las de gitanos.

«En estos tiempos, lo que estamos viendo es que el hecho de tener niños es un factor de riesgo para que una familia sea pobre porque, como han bajado los salarios, hay una pobreza de trabajadores, de familias en las que uno de los padres trabaja, pero los ingresos no les permiten cubrir sus necesidades básicas», ha indicado.

Menos inversión en educación

El director ejecutivo de Unicef Comité Español ha subrayado que con la crisis el colectivo de los niños ha sido el más vulnerable y el más afectado por la situación de pobreza, por la reducción de la inversión en educación en 5.000 millones de euros y la disminución de la inversión social en protección de los niños y sus familias en 2.700 millones de euros entre 2009 y 2014.

Ha detallado que España está invirtiendo en protección social de los niños y sus familias un 1,4 % del Producto Interior Bruto (PIB), cuando la media en el entorno de la Unión Europea es del 2,2 del PIB.

«Además de invertir casi un punto menos que nuestros socios comunitarios somos poco eficaces a la hora de conseguir que el dinero invertido reduzca las tasas de pobreza infantil», ha apuntado Martos.

En España, «hay un mapa de la pobreza infantil marcado por el desempleo y por las medidas de protección social que se implementan en determinadas comunidades autónomas», ha dicho el director ejecutivo de Unicef Comité Español.

Ha precisado que hay grandes diferencias entre regiones, puesto que algunas, como el País Vasco, han desarrollado mecanismos de protección social que no existen en otras autonomías.

Pacto de Estado

Ante esta situación, Martos ha abogado por alcanzar un Pacto de Estado por la Infancia que incluya un incremento de la inversión social en el ámbito de la infancia y que perfile mecanismos para combatir la pobreza infantil.

Unicef Comité Español reclama un Pacto de Estado por la Educación con medidas para reducir el abandono escolar, así como la universalización de la prestación por hijo a cargo, elevándola de los actuales 291 euros al año a 1.200 euros al año, lo que tendría un coste de 9.000 millones de euros.

No obstante, en las actuales circunstancias del país, Martos ha planteado la atención prioritaria de los niños que están en situación de pobreza infantil hasta el año 2020.

Unicef Comité Español también ha instado al nuevo Gobierno a concretar un plan para la consecución del Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible con el fin de luchar contra la desigualdad y atender a la infancia vulnerable en España y en otros países.

Fuente: http://www.levante-emv.com/sociedad/2016/06/28/tres-ninos-espana-sufre-malnutricion/1437968.html

Comparte este contenido:

EEUU: First Lady Trip to Africa to Highlight Educational Obstacles Girls Face

América del Norte/EEUU/Junio 2016/Autor: Editor / Fuente: voanews.com

ResumenLa primera dama de EEU, Michelle Obama, tiene previsto viajar el domingo a África para abogar por la educación de las niñas.

U.S. first lady Michelle Obama is scheduled to travel on Sunday to Africa to advocate for girl’s education.

Obama will highlight one of her core initiatives, Let Girls Learn. Sasha and Malia, President Obama and first lady’s daughters, and the girls’ grandmother, Marian Robinson, will also be joining the trip with stops in Liberia, Morocco and Spain.

“We believe very strongly that education and the empowerment of young people is going to be critical to a region that has known so much turmoil, particularly given the enormous youth population in those countries,” White House Deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes said on Friday.

The first stop is Liberia, where the first lady will attend a meeting with the first elected woman head of state in Africa, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.

Obama then will visit the Peace Corps training facility in Kakata, Liberia, to speak with women participating at the Girls Leading Our World Program. They will also meet with Peace Corps volunteers and trainees.

The first lady will speak to adolescent girls at Unification Town, also in Liberia, about the obstacles they faced in order to acquire education. Actor Freida Pinto will join Obama and is schedule to moderate the meeting.
“The conversation will highlight both educational barriers girls face as Liberia moves beyond the Ebola epidemic, and the U.S. government’s efforts to continue to address those barriers and provide adolescent girls with equitable access to safe and quality education,” said Tina Tchen, Chief of Staff to the first lady.

Let Girls Learn is a global initiative launched by the president and first lady in 2015. The program addresses the obstacles that keep more than 62 million girls around the world out of school such as forced marriage, poverty, and violence.

White House staff said on Friday that 250 million girls live in poverty, and one out of three girls in developing countries are married by the age of 18. One in nine by 15.

In Morocco, Obama and daughters will be joined by actor Meryl Streep on June 28 and 29 for another conversation to help girls go to school. The country has about 85 percent of girls enrolled in school, but the number drops to 14 percent for high school.

The six-day trip ends in Spain, White house staff said.

Spain is a longtime U.S. ally and has dealt with “significant” economic challenges in recent years.

“The first lady, by going to these three countries, is able to visit three important regions to the United States, and is able to speak not just to government [officials] but to speak to people and to make clear that …a key part of our leadership is what we can do to lift up the lives of young people, particularly girls,” Rhodes said.

The White House said CNN films is covering trip costs for both actors. During the visit, CNN will be filming a documentary in Liberia and Morocco.

Michelle Obama will be using social media to document the trip. She recently joined Snapchat. She is also on Instagram, Twitter and Facebook. Obama will be writing about the travels in a daily diary at HelloGiggles.com.

Fuente de la noticia: http://www.voanews.com/content/first-lady-trip-to-africa-to-highlight-educational-obstacles-girls-face/3391976.html

Fuente de la imagen: http://gdb.voanews.com/53C66F1F-C0E1-4FFD-8832-D0E5C52402E0_mw1024_s_n.jpg

Comparte este contenido:

Mexico’s Teachers Stand Up Against the Violent Neoliberal Order

América del Norte/México/Junio 2016/Autor: A.S. Dillingham and René González Pizarro / Fuente: Jacobin

ResumenLos maestros en huelga mexicanos están luchando por la justicia en el aula – y contra el orden neoliberal violenta de México.

Ten years ago, as a group of striking teachers slept in their encampment during the early hours of June 14 in the state capital of Oaxaca, Mexico, government forces launched an attack to remove them from the zócalo, or town square. Riot police cleared the plaza while helicopters dropped tear gas from above.

The striking teachers were beaten, arrested, and pushed out of the city center. But not for long; the teachers and their supporters quickly regrouped, fighting back, block by block, and took the plaza back by midday.

The violent repression of striking teachers in 2006, ordered by the state governor, launched a social movement — called the “Oaxaca Commune” by supporters — that grew to encompass much more than the local teachers’ union.

The movement mobilized large swathes of Oaxacan society against the repressive governor. Aggressive federal intervention hobbled the movement, but failed to wipe it out. Today the dissident teachers’ movement is in the streets again, this time in opposition to the federal government’s “education reform” program.

The teacher’s movement is also more widespread than in 2006. Militarized attacks on striking teachers have occurred in Mexico City and throughout the country’s southern states. In the last month, the state of Chiapas has seen pitched battles between teachers and police forces, and the Zapatistas have spoken out in favor of the striking teachers.

Last week the Mexican attorney general’s office arrested two of the leaders of the Oaxacan section of the teachers’ union, Local 22, on corruption charges. Then on June 19, federal and state police attacked protesters in Nochixtlán, Oaxaca, a town on the highway between the state capital and Mexico City, resulting in the death of at least eight protesters.

The blatant attack on outspoken government opponents unleashed a wave of protests in the state capital in response.

It’s become somewhat of a cliché to describe the situation in Mexico as a “crisis.” Indeed, la crisis is frequently satirized in Mexican film and popular culture, with Mexicans unsure when the last crisis ended and the next began.

Yet it’s true that in Mexico has experienced a wave of tragedies since 2006. Over one hundred thousand thousand people have died, over twenty-five thousand have been disappeared, and more than one hundred journalists have been killed in the decade since former president Felipe Calderon declared war on the drug cartels.

Some of the crisis’s numbers are unforgettable. The forty-nine children burned to death in a government-outsourced daycare center without safety protections in the northern state of Sonora in 2009; the seventy-two migrants found in a collective grave in the state of Tamaulipas in 2010; and most recently the 2014 disappearance of forty-three Ayotzinapa Normal School students in the southern state of Guerrero. Tragedy’s numbers are a defining part of daily life and conversation in Mexico.

Enrique Peña Nieto’s election in 2012, coming after years of drug-war-related violence, was seen by many as a possible reprieve, a return to the nostalgic days of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) rule when governance was at least stable, if not democratic or transparent.

Yet President Peña Nieto’s sexenio (six-year term) has been marked by continued mass violence, corruption, and impunity at seemingly all levels of government. From shady government contracts in Mexico City, to his wife’s extravagant home paid for by dubious means, to the flagrant and repeated government lies over the forty-three missing students, Peña Nieto’s popularity has plummeted.

Recent state-level elections saw the PRI lose power in a number of its former strongholds. Mayors in Mexico are targeted by cartels, in a way that suggests they are siphoning funds directly from the state, in addition to drug and human trafficking.

The multiple captures and escapes of “El Chapo” Guzman, the infamous drug trafficker, lent credence to the popular belief among many Mexicans that the line between the traffickers and the state is blurry, at best.

Peña Nieto’s 2013 education reform plan — the piece of legislation under contention today — is just one component of a broader set of structural reforms pushed through by the president and the PRI.

While other reforms — such as the partial privatization of the state-run oil company, PEMEX, and corporate tax reform — have been relatively successful (on their own terms), the education initiative has proven the most difficult to implement, sparking opposition by not only the dissident section of the teachers’ union, the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE), but also broader sectors of the national teachers’ union, the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (SNTE).

This opposition and the militarized approach of the government employed to implement the reforms, with thousands of federal police securing teacher testing sites, has led the international press, much of which until recently was supportive of Peña Nieto, to declare him a failure.

The education reform is better understood as an attack on labor. Much like the discourse of recent education reform movements in the United States, the Mexican reformers invoke notions of “accountability” and “quality” instruction.

But the reform itself contains numerous measures aimed at undermining the power of teachers’ unions including measures that weaken the union’s control of the hiring process at normal schools (which they historically controlled), eliminate teachers’ ability to pass down a position to their children, make it easier to fire teachers who miss work, and limit the number of union positions paid by the state.

These measures are all directly aimed at undermining the union’s power, but the central point of contention has been the evaluation of teachers through state-administered standardized tests.

At the end of last year, teachers across Mexico sat down for new nationwide teacher evaluations. In Oaxaca, the scene outside the testing site resembled a military exercise.

Ten thousand federal police were deployed to facilitate the administration of the evaluations, reflecting both the federal government’s desire to see their reform implemented as well as the widespread opposition to the new law.

Oaxaca is home to one of the most outspoken union locals in Mexico, Local 22, a member of the dissident CNTE movement — a movement that emerged in the late 1970s in opposition to the authoritarian, PRI-aligned SNTE.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the CNTE struggled against entrenched PRI control of union locals, with newly minted indigenous teachers playing a key role in southern states such as Oaxaca and Chiapas. The CNTE has remained a powerful force and controls, in addition to Local 22, sections of union locals in Michoacán, Guerrero, Chiapas, and the Federal District (Mexico City).

Given Local 22’s historic militancy, the state’s response was not surprising. Yet similar scenes of police coercion played out across the country, alongside a massive media campaign denouncing the dissident teachers’ union as self-interested and corrupt.

Historian A. S. Dillingham sat down with René González Pizarro, a Oaxacan teacher and member of Local 22, as well as a former delegate to its assembly, to discuss the nature of the reforms, the government’s strategy, and the history and culture of Local 22.

Can you first tell us a little about your own experience as a teacher? Why did you choose the teaching profession?

My professional training was originally in graphic design, but I’ve been immersed in the education world ever since I can remember. Actually, as a baby I was part of the teachers’ demonstrations of the 1980s and I remember that as a six- or seven-year-old I’d chant along with the slogans of the teachers.

After eight years teaching in private schools, I entered Local 22 thanks to my father. One of the benefits of the union members (eliminated by the recent reform) was the ability to inherit the position of one’s parents upon their retirement, as long as one had initiated their teacher training.

My father was in the indigenous education system, so I started there, with lowest category of promotor bilingüe or bilingual promoter. These positions were created in the 1970s and it is the category I continue to hold.

I started work in an indigenous boarding school in Coixtlahuaca, a rural, mountainous region in the western half of the state.

Let’s begin with the June 19 attacks on the teachers’ blockade in Nochixtán.

The federal and state police’s recent violence merely demonstrates the total obstinacy and refusal to negotiate on the government’s part. The teachers’ movement and much of the public generally have spoken out against the structural reforms, not just the against the education program.

On Sunday, the federal police first denied their use of live ammunition against demonstrators. Then later, after the confirmation of the first two dead, the secretary of government claimed it wasn’t police who fired, and said the photographs of police firing assault rifles were from another date and time.

But the media reaction was quick and the Associated Press confirmed the photographs of police firing on crowds were indeed from that Sunday and not manipulated.

Finally, at a press conference late that afternoon, the police admitted to their use of live ammunition.

The key from the government’s point of view has been the implementation of last year’s teacher evaluations. More than ten thousand federal police arrived in Oaxaca to facilitate the new evaluations.

The state government and Ministry of Education claimed it was a success. How do you view what took place with the evaluations?

The new state education ministry (IEEPO), which was legally reconstituted during the summer of 2015 to weaken the union’s control, has been trying to legitimize itself since its restructuring last July.

They’ve begun a series of actions, particularly on social media, to try to show that the Oaxacan teachers wanted to get rid of the “yoke” of the union.

On social media they have bombarded Oaxacans with messages like, “The new IEEPO is better, nothing remains in the union’s hands, now union coercion is no longer needed to access labor rights, the evaluation isn’t meant to take peoples’ jobs, now children will have all their classes.”

But the message is funny, if not ironic, in the face of the deployment of federal forces, not just in Oaxaca but in other states where the CNTE hasn’t had much presence.

Two or three years ago, before the reforms began in earnest, many non-CNTE teachers in the rest of the country viewed the evaluations as a good thing. (Actually some Oaxacan teachers did, as well.)

But with the full implementation of the reform there has been an upturn in the scale of opposition to it. Even in places where one hasn’t seen teacher protests before, one sees them now; the state of Jalisco and the state of Mexico are clear examples of this.

You mentioned the “new IEEPO” and what took place last July when the state government legally abolished — with the support of the federal police — the previous education ministry, in order to facilitate President Peña Nieto’s reforms.

How do you view that action? Does this constitute a death blow to Local 22’s power?

The government’s actions last July were a major blow to Local 22. But they weren’t a death blow. It wasn’t enough to merely freeze the union’s bank accounts, prosecute them financially, invent connections to organized crime, or try to do something from the financial side.

Nor has it been sufficient to detain the leaders. Actually, the detainment of four leaders and recently three members of Local 22’s executive committee sparked more desire to resist within the union.

Now the new state education ministry, supported by the reforms and federal education authorities, says that there will be no more marches and no missed class days. Three absences will mean the loss of one’s job, one absence will mean your pay would be docked.

The same happened with the federal ministry, after the first three days of the strike that began on May 15, 2016 the federal education ministry announced the firing of over four thousand teachers in Oaxaca, Michoacán, Guerrero, and Chiapas.

Do the authorities have the power to do that? To fire the teachers? That seems to be something new, given the union’s previous control over hiring.

According to the new reforms, yes they do have the power. The IEEPO asked the teachers to either go to class or have a day of pay deducted, because that is what the new law stipulates. Many teachers took to the streets. Some, out of fear or because they didn’t want their pay to be docked, stayed in the classrooms. Yet the threat of firing hasn’t stopped collective action. In fact, since May 15, the start of the strike, the movement has only grown.

The reform has allowed the state authorities to change how the IEEPO functions, right?

The new IEEPO is a mess. Within the actual office building, they have no idea what they are doing and they dismantled the apparatus, which, even if it was overly bureaucratic, knew how to function.

That is why they have turned to their massive publicity and social media campaigns, to improve the image of the new IEEPO.

In your opinion, what is the worst part of the education reforms?

That it’s not about education. That is the part that bothers me the most. From reading Peña Nieto’s reforms, the laws, and the auxiliary laws, it isn’t at all clear — and I’m not the only one that says this — that it’s about education reform.

It’s about yet another neoliberal government attack on trade unions that demonstrate any type of opposition. When one looks at the structural reforms in this country (and globally) one notices these reforms are directed at eliminating trade unions.

The strong unions have either been co-opted or eliminated. This happened in Mexico first with the railway workers, then the telecommunications workers’ union, the Luz y Fuerza union, the Federal Electricity Commission, and PEMEX. All that’s left are the teachers and public health workers.

With each reform, there is a direct attack on trade unions or civil society organizations.

You mentioned that you attended teachers’ marches as a baby with your parents. Not just in Oaxaca, but also in many other states, the democratic teachers’ movement emerged around that time. Local 22 and the CNTE nationally have their origins in that period. Is that history important for those in the movement today?

Yes. That generation from the 1980s just retired a few years ago (my father is one of them) and now there is a whole new generation of teachers. I know the history of that struggle because I lived through it but I’m not sure other comrades do because even those whose parents were also teachers in the 1980s don’t always seem very interested today.

There are two factors that might explain this dynamic. One is the distance that has developed recently between the union leadership and its bases, and the other is social pressure, particularly in the media, that casts the union in a negative light.

So the new comrades are often not interested in, nor committed to, the idea of struggle, either because they don’t feel represented by their leadership — because of corruption or poor management of the union — or because the media accuse the movement of being lazy and something bad for the country.

Yes, and many teachers say the relationship between the union leadership and the rank-and-file has changed dramatically since the 1980s.

Among the comrades that do participate, one major difference between today and the 1980s is the mandatory participation in union activities.

Today (although the state education ministry says the restructuring has taken this power away from the union), los puntos sindicales, the union point system, determines whether teachers can change their job category, school, or school zone, move between levels, and it also determines benefits, such as union-sponsored personal loans.

How do you see the Oaxacan struggle relating to the national context in Mexico? After Ayotzinapa, and the struggle for the missing forty-three students, have things changed in Oaxaca?

Unfortunately, Local 22 didn’t immediately join the movement for the missing forty-three students. The lack of solidarity among resistance and left movements in Oaxaca and Mexico generally is symptomatic.

After 2006, it has been virtually impossible to organize and unite the Left in Oaxaca. Many of us teachers have watched and followed the Ayotzinapa issue, and we are part of that movement, but not formally as Local 22.

It was only during the one-year anniversary of the disappearances that Local 22 made official statements of solidarity. I remember the first national teachers’ action in Mexico City after the disappearances; there was nothing in the official accords or assembly demands about Ayotzinapa.

The march was full of signs and banners addressing what had happened but it wasn’t even discussed, let alone made an official demand, by the organized union movement.

And why do you think the union leaders haven’t focused on supporting Ayotizinapa?

I’m not sure. Since I joined the union I’ve noticed a lack of interest in other movements and a basic lack of solidarity.

And that dynamic, of not taking up demands of other movements, contributes to the notion that the union is only concerned about its own interests. You can’t ask for support if you’re not supporting other struggles.

Exactly.

This brings me to a longstanding frustration with the reporting on teachers’ struggles in Mexico that leaves out important conflicts and problems within the union. As Benjamin Smith points out, there are problems within the dissident union movement itself, like the ability of teachers to pass their job on to their children, corrupt internal arbitration practices, and pay scales that benefit the union hierarchy.

What we shouldn’t lose sight of is that, even with the problems within the CNTE leadership, we cannot blame teachers themselves entirely for the education situation in Oaxaca or Mexico.

And there are real fights within Local 22 for internal union reform and alternative education reform. For example, Local 22 has developed a counter-proposal to the government’s so-called reform over the last few years.

Our counter-proposal is an effort from the union and the base-level membership, organized around two important points. First, it proposes a curriculum based in the local culture and context of Oaxaca, which is diverse, indigenous, and multicultural. Secondly, it is based in the theories of critical pedagogy.

Of the most important changes it proposes, in my view, regards the system of teacher evaluation. The union’s proposal eliminates standardized testing (there will be exams but the use of standardized exams will be abolished) to evaluate either students or teachers. It focuses entirely on the qualitative aspect of education.

I served as advisor for a process in which indigenous teachers from all over the state of Oaxaca discussed and debated methods of evaluation that fit indigenous education and what we aim to accomplish as indigenous teachers.

With the imposition of the new law, our proposal has lost steam. Now there is no openness on the part of the government or education authorities to even listen to our proposals.

In terms of the crisis of participation and distancing between the base and the leadership within Local 22, that is something far too complex to be solved with one or two actions but I would venture two reforms that, to me, would be fundamental in shifting toward a more democratic and militant unionism.

Within the union, one important change would be to eliminate the mechanisms of coerced participation. The teachers’ movement of the 1980s had a genuine interest from the bases in fighting against union corruption and in favor of the people and their right to a public and quality education.

Teachers participated with conviction. They slept on sidewalks waiting for the results of the state union assembly and valued the actions decided there.

Over time, that same leadership promoted a system of coerced participation, in which, through the point system, gave benefits or transfers, even salary raises, to those with the highest points.

This has meant that in the last few years union activities continued to have large levels of participation but not necessarily due to political conviction.

The other important change would be for us teachers to regain the parents and general public as allies in our struggle. In many communities the teachers left to participate in union actions without explaining to the parents why they did so or convincing them of the importance of their activities.

In the recent struggles it’s encouraging that more parents seem to be upset about how the reform will affect public education and are joining us in the streets.

It’s important that the school becomes once again part of the community and that the community itself becomes part of the education system.

For example, since June 19 of this year many NGOS, be it local, national, or international, have shown their solidarity with the movement and rejected the government’s use of police repression.

As I mentioned, the support of the communities and parents’ groups is decisive to reinvigorating the movement and one has begun to see that in the recent highway blockades, maintained for many days by parents and community members.

That popular participation is what held back the federal police across the state. The state violence over the weekend has only released a bigger wave of support from local communities.

What you raised at the beginning, that one cannot isolate the teachers from the broader social context in Mexico, seems crucial. Even the OECD, whose statistics are trotted out frequently to describe the poor quality of education in Mexico, notes the statistical correlation between poverty and education outcomes in southern Mexico.

The notion that poorly administered teacher evaluations will solve this problem is laughable and that teachers are primarily to blame for poor education conditions in their communities absurd.

Precisely. One has to keep in mind the structural poverty in this country.

The education reform doesn’t address the physical conditions of public schools, classroom technology, continuous teacher training, nor the distinct pedagogies that might fit particular regional contexts throughout the country. For me poverty is the principle problem affecting the education system.

Fuente de la noticia: http://readersupportednews.org/news-section2/318-66/37639-mexicos-teachers-stand-up-against-the-violent-neoliberal-order

Fuente de la imagen: http://readersupportednews.org/images/stories/article_imgs21/021588-oacaca-062416.jpg

Comparte este contenido:

La elevada desigualdad y pobreza amenazan a Estados Unidos

Estados Unidos/23 junio 2016/Fuente: Alto Nivel

La directora gerente del FMI, Christine Lagarde, dijo que la desigualdad está creciendo “más y más” en Estados Unidos, provocando una polarización en la distribución de los ingresos entre los habitantes norteamericanos.

Pese a que la situación económica de Estados Unidos presenta “una buena condición”, el país enfrenta cuatro retos que ponen en riesgo su crecimiento en el futuro, entre los que están los elevados niveles de desigualdad y pobreza en la economía más grande del mundo, alertó el Fondo Monetario Internacional.

En su discurso con motivo de la revisión de las perspectivas económicas de Estados Unidos, la directora gerente del organismo, Christine Lagarde, dijo que la desigualdad está creciendo “más y más”, provocando una polarización en la distribución de los ingresos entre los habitantes norteamericanos.

Desde el año 2000, el poder adquisitivo del 3 por ciento de la población de Estados Unidos ha caído por debajo del ingreso medio, degradando sus estándares de vida, dijo el FMI.

Por otro lado, 46.7 millones de estadounidenses viven en situación de pobreza, equivalente al 15 por ciento de la población en total. La pobreza se recrudece sobre todo en grupos minoritarios, madres solteras y personas con discapacidades.

“No sólo la pobreza crea tensiones sociales significativas, sino que ‘devora’ la participación de la fuerza laboral y socava la capacidad de invertir en educación y mejorar los resultados en la salud”, dijo Lagarde en su mensaje en Washington DC.

La directora gerente también dijo que las otras amenazas son el declive de la participación de la fuerza laboral en Estados Unidos, debido a que la población envejece, y que la productividad ha bajado 1.7 por ciento desde 2007 y a una tasa de -0.4 por ciento en los últimos cinco años.

El organismo también llamó a las autoridades a adoptar medidas para elevar la participación en la fuerza laboral, incluyendo la mejora en los servicios de cuidado de niños y otros beneficios que permitan que más mujeres puedan trabajar, a buscar reformas a la inmigración y revisar el programa de seguro por discapacidad para posibilitar empleos a tiempo parcial.

También llamó a Estados Unidos a elevar el salario mínimo mientras ofrece al mismo tiempo un crédito por ingresos más generoso y mejora la educación preescolar.

En su revisión anual a las políticas económicas de Estados Unidos, el FMI dijo que espera que la expansión en ese país alcance un 2.2 por ciento en 2016 y un 2.5 por ciento en 2017, en medio de un lento avance en la inflación hacia el objetivo de la Reserva Federal de un 2 por ciento.

Fuente: http://www.altonivel.com.mx/la-elevada-desigualdad-y-pobreza-amenazan-a-estados-unidos-56993.html

Comparte este contenido:

Libro: Lecciones de los pobres

Lecciones de los Pobres/21 de Junio de 2016/

De Perú a Nigeria, los emprendedores combaten la pobreza

Lessons from the Poor / Lecciones de los Pobres examina casos prácticos de distintas partes del mundo.

¿Pueden miles de millones de personas que viven debajo de la línea de pobreza darle al mundo una lección de economía que la mayoría de los políticos y académicos parecieran no entender? El analista político y escritor aclamado internacionalmente Alvaro Vargas Llosa afirma que si.

En Lessons from the Poor: Triumph of the Entrepreneurial Spirit / Lecciones de los Pobres: El triunfo del espíritu emprendedor, Vargas Llosa y un equipo de economistas examina una serie de casos prácticos de distintas partes del mundo. Estos trabajos demuestran cómo el espíritu emprendedor conduce al desarrollo.

Pero en sociedades dominadas por la corrupción política, los impuestos y las regulaciones, los innovadores deben superar enormes desafíos. La transferencia de riqueza, el amiguismo y la inseguridad legal conspiran contra el progreso. Lessons from the Poor / Lecciones de los Pobres ofrece inspiradores ejemplos de espíritu emprendedor y urge a las naciones a abrazar la iniciativa individual y la creación de riqueza, en vez de la redistribución de riqueza que implica un juego de suma cero.

«El libro contiene cinco casos prácticos de espíritu emprendedor que ejemplifican las facultades creativas de la especie humana cuando todo parece alinearse en contra del individuo”, sostiene Vargas Llosa, Asociado Senior en el Independent Institute. “Los investigadores—hombres y mujeres que residen en América Latina y África— realizaron un extenso trabajo de campo a fin de comprender y luego comunicar de manera efectiva estas historias exitosas para los aspirantes a empresarios alrededor del mundo”.

Después de leer acerca de fundación de la empresa familiar de los Añaños en el Perú en los años 80 y el éxito de la industria del diseño de confecciones en Nigeria, resulta difícil negar el invaluable papel del espíritu emprendedor en las vidas de incluso la gente más pobre. Sin él, el supermercado Nakumatt no habría revolucionado la experiencia de compras de los kenianos más allá de los mercados al aire libre, y el sistema del trueque argentino jamás se hubiese convertido en una “economía paralela”, ayudando a miles de ciudadanos a combatir la pobreza.

Los trabajos anteriores por lo general se han concentrado en lo pernicioso de la reglamentación y las burocracias excesivas en las naciones pobres, destacando los proyectos empresariales que podrían haber florecido libres de la sofocante intervención estatal. Algunos han estudiado a las empresas ilegales—la economía informal—que surgen de un esfuerzo en contra de un sistema legal hostil a efectos de sobrevivir. “Pero muy pocos se han concentrado en aquellos empresarios que, partiendo de una condición de extrema pobreza, fueron capaces de superar con éxito una montaña de obstáculos y, funcionando dentro de las opresivas restricciones de la ley, generar una riqueza considerable”, sostiene Vargas Llosa.

“Claramente, las soluciones del pasado y las políticas de ayuda exterior no han funcionado y son necesarias nuevas ideas y una nueva dirección”, concluye Vargas Llosa. “Los países industrializados y desarrollados deben hallar maneras de apoyar este impulso para innovar y crear nuevos productos y mercados”. En Lessons from the Poor / Lecciones de los Pobres, las lecciones del espíritu emprendedor, trasmitidas por quienes son los más pobres entre nosotros, son meridianamente claras.

Pueden verse los siguientes artículos sobre la obra publicados en distintos medios:

Las lecciones de los pobres por Mario Vargas Llosa

Agua y aceite por Guillermo Arosemena Arosemena

Las lecciones de los pobres por Cal Thomas

El espíritu emprendedor como un arma contra la pobreza por Sreya Sarkar

¿Cómo terminar con la pobreza? por Jay Nordlinger

La máquina de exterminar gente emprendedora por Carlos Alberto Montaner

La lección de los pobres por Alvaro Vargas Llosa

La ayuda mantiene a Latinoamérica pobre por Mary Anastasia O’Grady

Fuente: http://independent.typepad.com/elindependent/Lessons.html

Imagen: http://cloud1.todocoleccion.net/libros-segunda-mano-derecho-economia/tc/2016/05/06/20/56640261.jpg

Comparte este contenido:

Informe OIT: La Iniciativa para poner fin a la pobreza

Por Entreagentes

wcms_486614Cuando el mundo se congregó en la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas en septiembre de 2015 para adoptar la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, resolvió «…poner fin a la pobreza y el hambre en todo el mundo de aquí a 2030, […] combatir las desigualdades dentro de los países y entre ellos, […]construir sociedades pacíficas, justas e inclusivas,  […] proteger los derechos humanos y promover la igualdad entre los géneros y el empoderamiento de las mujeres y las niñas, y […]garantizar una protección duradera del planeta y sus recursos naturales.».

Asimismo, resolvió «…crear las condiciones necesarias para un crecimiento económico sostenible, inclusivo y sostenido, una prosperidad compartida y el trabajo decente para todos, teniendo en cuenta los diferentes niveles nacionales de desarrollo y capacidad.».

 Enlace para descargar el Informe: finalapobreza

Fuente: http://divulgaciondinamica.blogspot.mx/2016/06/informe-oit-la-iniciativa-para-poner.html

Imagen tomada de: http://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/es/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2015/06/Goal-1.jpg

Comparte este contenido:

Libro: Lo esencial no puede ser invisible a los ojos: pobreza e infancia en América Latina

Mónica Gonzalez Contró. Raúl Mercer. Alberto Minujín. [Editores]
Ana María Osorio Mejía. Luis Fernando Aguado Quintero. Héctor A. Nájera Catalán. Robin Cavaugnoud. Jorge A. Paz. Camilo Pérez Bustillo. Yedith Guillén Fernández. Jorge I. Vázquez. Ianina Tuñon. Agustín Salvia. Cristian Herrera. Alejandra Vives. Camila Carvallo. Helia Molina. Charles-Édouard de Suremain. Juan Antonio Vega Báez. Ma. Cristina Torrado. Ernesto Durán. Tatiana Casanova. Nelson Antequera D. [Autores]
…………………………………………………………………………
ISBN: 978-607-9275-80-8
FLACSO México. UNAM. et al.
México – Ciudad de México
Abril de 2016

El propósito central de este libro es hacer énfasis en que el debate sobre la pobreza en América Latina, en particular en la niñez y adolescencia, debe ser parte de las discusiones que se están dando a nivel global con respecto a la justicia, la libertad, la ciudadanía, la identidad, la participación, y la paz. Asimismo, busca dar impulso a los esfuerzos en nuestra región por generar un pensamiento propio, que se fundamente en la capacidad de resistencia y de generación de alternativas de la población sin que se limite a las visiones y prácticas tradicionales de fomentar e implementar políticas sociales.
Para descargar el libro, haga click:
Descargar .pdf
Fuente de la Reseña:
http://www.clacso.org.ar/libreria-latinoamericana-cm/libro_detalle.php?id_libro=1290&pageNum_rs_libros=0&totalRows_rs_libros=1209
Comparte este contenido:
Page 111 of 113
1 109 110 111 112 113