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‘It’s not enough to get students in the door’ — Reimagining the role of community colleges

‘It’s not enough to get students in the door’ — Reimagining the role of community colleges

Jamie Higginbotham has been involved in child care since she was 18 — first as a nanny, then the owner of an in-home child care business, and now the director of a preschool in Wilkesboro. Despite her 20-plus years in early education, she says she couldn’t support herself and her family on her wage alone.

“As a preschool director, my wage itself just with this one job, I would not be able to survive,” she said.

Higginbotham is a graduate of Wilkes Community College. She went back to school in 2016 to get her associate degree in early childhood education. This degree allowed her to move from preschool teacher to director, and she considers herself fortunate to be doing a job she loves. But still, she knows she and many of the teachers she hires wouldn’t be able to do this job if they were single parents.

“That is what is so disheartening,” she said, “because I know how cliché this sounds, but we are helping to raise our future.”

For years, community colleges have served students like Higginbotham who want to further their careers and better their lives. That doesn’t always happen, said Wilkes Community College President Jeff Cox.

“Getting a college credential only truly helps all the stakeholders in this ecosystem when institutions do a good job of preparing students for careers that are in demand and that will pay them wages high enough to support their families,” Cox said. “Too often, that’s not the case, even when educators and institutions have the best intentions.”

Spurred by economic mobility data and organizations like the Aspen Institute’s College Excellence Program, community colleges have begun rethinking their role in their communities.

“It’s not enough to get more students in the door. It’s not enough to graduate more students. We have to look at how many of them are getting jobs that pay a living wage,” said Cox.

In many cases, this is easier said than done. But, increasingly, it is a re-imagined role for community colleges that, if achieved, could help all North Carolinians.

How did we get here?

Community colleges in North Carolina and across the country have embraced their role as open-door institutions that increase college access.

“We’ve been so focused on access for so many years,” said Rachel Desmarais, president of Vance-Granville Community College. “And I think that’s been maybe a place we’ve been stuck. Presidents are thinking enrollment, enrollment, enrollment, and that really drives what colleges are doing.”

In 2009, the focus on access gave way to a focus on student completion as then-President Barack Obama announced the 2020 College Completion initiative with the goal of increasing the share of Americans with a college degree. At the same time, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation funded Completion By Design, a major reform initiative focused on increasing community college student completion rates. Five North Carolina community colleges participated in the initiative.

But these efforts, collectively known as the Completion Agenda, are not enough, said Josh Wyner, founder and executive director of Aspen Institute’s College Excellence Program.

“We are adherents to the Completion Agenda,” Wyner said. “We just think it’s incomplete.”

“If you’re going to give life to the idea of post-graduation success, colleges themselves need to own whether they are getting students credentials that deliver both economic and social mobility for the individual and the talent that’s needed in the community.”

Josh Wyner, founder and executive director of Aspen Institute’s College Excellence Program

The way to assess that, Wyner said, is to look at whether graduates are earning a family-sustaining wage.

This is far easier for colleges in North Carolina’s Research Triangle Park region, for example. In other parts of the state, including those that have lost textile and manufacturing industries over the past two decades, jobs that offer family-sustaining wages can be few and far between.

Despite the challenges, two North Carolina community colleges — Wilkes Community College and Vance-Granville Community College — are attempting to reinvent their role in their communities as drivers of economic mobility. Their journeys illustrate the challenges and opportunities in rethinking the role of community colleges.

Wilkes Community College

Wilkes Community College (WCC) is located in the northwestern corner of the state and serves Alleghany, Ashe, and Wilkes counties. In 2019-20, It served 8,966 students.

The median household income in WCC’s three-county service area ranges between $39,735 in Alleghany County to $44,080 in Wilkes County. Around one in three children live in poverty.

Once home to Lowe’s Home Improvement corporate headquarters, Wilkes County suffered the nation’s second worst drop in median household income from 2005 to 2015, according to Cox.

More concerning for Cox, however, was the lack of economic mobility in the area.

“If you’re born poor in northwestern North Carolina, there’s a two out of three chance you’re going to stay poor,” Cox said. “That just was alarming to me.”

Having experienced the transformational power of education firsthand, Cox was determined to change that statistic when he became president in 2014. In 2017, the college started a strategic planning process, and Cox began orienting his faculty and staff around the importance of economic mobility.

“The question I put to our faculty and staff is, if it’s not up to the college to impact economic mobility of our students, then whose responsibility is that?” Cox said. “Who’s going to take on this cause if we don’t?”

To bring the message home, Cox did an exercise with his faculty and staff that he had learned at an Aspen Presidential Fellow. At the launch of their new strategic plan, he gathered his faculty and staff together and asked them to stand up and imagine they were the student body.

Cox divided them into four groups and sent them to different corners of the room. One by one, he asked each group to sit down as he went through groups of students who, for one reason or another, came to WCC but didn’t finish.

When he got to the last group, he asked half of them to sit down. The remaining 12.5% represented the students who graduated within three years and earned at least $10 an hour a year after graduating. Then he asked everyone to sit down except 10 people, or about 6-7%, who represented the students who graduated within three years and made $20 an hour or more.

He asked his faculty and staff to look around the room and tell him if they were satisfied with those numbers.

“That was a very stark reality check for our faculty and staff,” Cox said.

“We live sometimes off anecdotes. We have student success stories, but there are hundreds and hundreds more students who aren’t finishing at all or who are finishing but they’re finishing with degrees or credentials that are not helping them to go out and secure a better life when they graduate.”

Jeff Cox, president of Wilkes Community College

Cox and his team reached out to over 3,500 business, education, nonprofit, and community leaders in their region and produced a five-year strategic plan centered on “empowering more students with credentials that can provide a family-sustaining income while supporting regional workforce needs.”

Since the launch of that plan in 2018, and despite the COVID-19 pandemic, WCC has made progress on many of their goals, including boosting their completion rate and the share of associate degree graduates with the potential to earn the median household income of the area.

One strategy they say has been helpful in boosting their completion rate has been a completely revamped advising strategy.

“We knew we needed continuity from start to finish on the student journey,” said Zach Barricklow, vice president of strategy at WCC. “Not students being handed off from person to person to person because that’s how we lose them — they drop through the cracks.”

WCC formed a cross-functional team to study best practices in student advising. They reached out to dozens of colleges across the country who were doing advising well and interviewed them on what worked and lessons learned.

The team came up with a new model for advising where they pair each student with an instructor from their College Success Course, a course all new diploma or associate degree students are required to take. Then, they layer on a faculty mentor who has industry connections in the area in which the student is interested.

“By the end of it … [students] have at least two people at the college that they’ve developed really solid, deep relationships with,” Barricklow said.

To pay for this, WCC pitched the advising model to a family who wanted to make a donation. By using their College Success Course instructors as part-time advisors, they were able to turn a $1 million donation into funding for the advising model for 10 years. Not all colleges receive that type of philanthropic support, however.

Vance-Granville Community College

Vance-Granville Community College (VGCC) sits on the North Carolina-Virginia border, an hour north of Raleigh. It serves students in Franklin, Granville, Vance, and Warren counties. In 2019-20, VGCC served 9,396 students — a population that is about half white and half Black and Hispanic.

Two of its four counties, Vance and Warren, have median household incomes of $38,000-$40,000, whereas the other two, Franklin and Granville, are much higher at $57,710 and $58,956, respectively.

Rachel Desmarais, president of VGCC, started her role in 2019 after spending 16 years at Forsyth Technical Community College in Winston-Salem. It was during her time there that Desmarais came across Raj Chetty’s data on economic mobility.

“I was really struck because the area in which I lived was surprisingly really, really bad,” Desmarais said. “Winston-Salem/Forsyth County, in his initial calculation, was the third worst in the country for economic mobility … the only two communities that were worse in the United States in the original study were two reservations.”

“What I kept coming back to and seeing was there’s a population of people who keep getting left behind.”

Rachel Desmarais, president of Vance-Granville Community College

When she decided to apply to become a community college president, she looked for a school that would embrace the idea of economic mobility. She started at VGCC in January 2019, and one of the first things she did was commission a labor market analysis of their service area.

The analysis looked at job openings, hourly average wages, and industries where the area has an advantage compared to other regions and states. Desmarais and her team started reviewing their programs with this report in hand.

“We found it helpful looking at the openings and what we were producing and what that gap or surplus looked like and what the wage was,” Desmarais said. “The limitation of this report is it’s not going to tell you what’s on the horizon — it’s going to tell you what’s happening right now.”

Vance-Granville Community College. Molly Osborne/EducationNC

Desmarais made the decision to close one of their cosmetology programs because she realized the return on investment for students was not there. Completion rates were low, she said, and wages were not good. In addition, there wasn’t enough market demand for the amount of students they were enrolling.

In response to some pushback on this decision, Desmarais asked her faculty to look at why completion rates were so low in the cosmetology programs.

“And it came back, well, they don’t really need the whole two years,” she said. Her response: “Oh, okay, let’s start there and change the way we’re advising.”

Challenges of aligning programs with high wage jobs in rural areas

Durham Technical Community College is in the beginning stages of making this shift from focusing on access and completion to focusing on economic mobility.

“Coming out of COVID, we’re recognizing … there are programs of study, which we could get folks to complete, which wouldn’t particularly bring them to a better place in terms of economic opportunity and certainly in terms of family-supporting wages,” said Durham Tech President J.B. Buxton, who started his role in 2020.

Following in WCC’s and VGCC’s footsteps, Durham Tech is undertaking a strategic planning process and evaluating each program from the lens of economic mobility. And while they may be shifting resources away from programs like cosmetology that do not offer family-supporting wages to students, that’s where the comparison ends.

Unlike WCC and VGCC, Durham Tech is sitting in one of the hottest labor markets in the country for certain sectors, Buxton said. His job is to figure out how his students can get jobs in life sciences, healthcare, and IT that don’t require a four-year degree and pay a family-sustaining wage.

Wilkes County has a history of car racing, including the famous North Wilkesboro Speedway. Pictured here is a sign for the Wilkesboro Dragway. Caroline Parker/EducationNC

It’s a different story in rural areas where there just aren’t enough jobs that pay living wages. That creates an “export education business,” said Barricklow.

“We know that our local labor market is limited,” he said. “Even our commutable labor market is limited in terms of living wage options. And so what does that do? That creates an export education business. We educate our young folks, and then we export them to Raleigh and Charlotte and elsewhere for opportunity.”

Community colleges in North Carolina have been involved in economic development since their founding, but the increasing concentration of economic opportunities in the metropolitan areas of the state leave rural colleges searching for answers.

Wyner said there are three main strategies community colleges can take when they are looking to build economic mobility in regions with few opportunities.

Bargaining power

The first is to use their bargaining power to encourage employers to increase wages. Cox said he encourages businesses to provide a more competitive wage if they cannot find employees, but there’s only so much he can do.

If employers won’t consider a living wage, Wyner said, colleges should stop offering to train their employees.

“At some point you have to say no,” Wyner said. “At some point you have to say, ‘Look, if you’re not going to offer more than a high school diploma in terms of wages, I’m not going to deliver this credential to you.’ It’s not worth it to my students, and it’s not worth it to the public and the taxpayer to deliver something to them that doesn’t give them a decent life.”

Another option is to pair training with business courses, so cosmetology and culinary students, for example, can start their own businesses.

Jessie Roush, pre-K teacher at Tryon Elementary School, talks with a student during center time. Liz Bell/EducationNC

Refusing to offer training for low-wage occupations is not always the answer, however. Training early childhood educators is one example of something community colleges are not going to stop doing despite the low wages of early childhood educators.

Instead, Desmarais and Cox emphasized the importance of talking to early education students about wages and future pathways for career advancement, such as getting a four-year degree and moving into the K-12 space.

“We need early childhood workers, so we don’t want to disband that program,” Cox said. “But we do want to be honest with students … If you want to get up to where you’re making a living wage, then you need to be thinking about something beyond this two-year associate degree. If you get a four-year degree, you can teach in the public schools and you can make a living wage in that job. If you don’t, in that particular program, you’re going to struggle economically.”

WCC early childhood lead instructor Melissa Miller said the hardest day at her job was the day the local Burger King put up a sign saying, “Now hiring starting $9.50 an hour.” Miller had just been talking about salary with her students, which for an entry-level early childhood job is about $8 an hour, she said.

At Durham Tech, Buxton said he is lucky to have a county commission that is committed to paying early childhood workers at the same level as elementary school teachers.

“That means that’s clearly a place that we can feel good about staying engaged,” he said.

Regional partnerships

The second strategy, Wyner said, is to pursue regional partnerships. Many rural areas have shortages of teachers, accountants, and public safety jobs, Wyner said, almost all of which require a bachelor’s degree.

“If your community has good jobs in those areas and you’ve got students coming to community colleges, they probably want to stick around, and you need to figure out how to partner with a four-year school,” he said.

Many such partnerships exist in North Carolina. The community college system has universal articulation agreements with both the UNC System and North Carolina’s Independent Colleges and Universities to help students transfer smoothly. Many schools also have bilateral articulation agreements with specific four-year colleges in their region.

The approval of teacher preparation programs at community colleges over the past year will also provide a pathway to good jobs for community college students who want to stay in the area and teach.

On the border of Vance and Franklin counties. Molly Osborne/EducationNC

In addition to partnerships with universities, community colleges should also look at regional partnerships with industry, Wyner said.

“Find the nearest community that has jobs and figure out how to partner to deliver jobs to those folks,” he said. “You have to keep expanding the concentric circles to see where those jobs might be.”

In North Carolina, community colleges are somewhat constrained by rules mandating that they stay within their service area when looking at industry partnerships, Desmarais said. However, they can find ways to partner with other community colleges that cannot meet the needs in their service areas.

“There is no way that [Durham Tech] can meet all the biotech needs and bioprocessing needs,” Desmarais said, “and so I’m kind of secondhand because the companies actually reside in his service area. [We] have to be invited to the table.”

Desmarais said she’s having conversations with Buxton and other presidents to explore new ways of working together regionally.

A vision for the future

The third strategy, the “most developed idea” according to Wyner, is to actually develop a new economy. He gave the example of Walla Walla Community College in Washington state that developed a wind energy program that attracted employers to the area.

“What Walla Walla did was they looked to the future. They did an economic analysis, and then they talked to people,” Wyner said. “They had a vision for the future.”

Cox and Desmarais both have a vision for the future that draws upon the assets of their respective regions.

For Desmarais and her team, their location combined with the relatively cheap cost of land present an opportunity to draw companies that need easy access to transportation and space for warehouses. VGCC is located one hour north of Raleigh and sits on a major highway, I-85, that runs from Montgomery, Alabama to Richmond, Virginia.

“Everyone knows that Wake County is expensive and out of land,” Desmarais said. “I think the counties just south of Wake have been doing a really good job of pulling industry down that way. With I-85, we have a really unique opportunity to pull it up as well.”

Desmarais is also looking to the past. With their proximity to North Carolina State University, an agricultural technology powerhouse, Desmarais sees potential in agriculture.

“This used to be an area of rich agricultural tradition,” she said, “and so we’re looking at bringing that back in, and what’s the community college’s role in that.”

Franklin County. Molly Osborne/EducationNC

Cox and his team have landed on a somewhat unconventional strategy — and one that has only become more salient with the pandemic.

As they looked at their ability to create economic opportunity in their region, they didn’t see much potential to draw significantly more manufacturing to the area.

“In Alleghany you would literally have to move a mountain in order to get a flat enough site in order to build a facility,” Barricklow said. “And then you have to convince folks it’s worth driving those windy roads up and back to get a product in and out. It’s just not well suited for it.”

Ashe County. Caroline Parker/EducationNC

Instead, they looked at what they did have — an abundance of natural beauty and world-class fiber connectivity. Capitalizing on these two assets, WCC decided to pitch northwest North Carolina as a telework destination.

“Industrial recruitment, on some level, will always be part of the economic development equation,” Cox said. “But instead of just trying to attract business or industry to create manufacturing jobs, we shifted our focus to telework: preparing and connecting local folks with good-paying remote jobs with employers that may be located elsewhere, as well as attracting individuals to our region who can bring their remote work with them.”

Courtesy of Wilkes Community College

They presented this strategy before the pandemic and received some interest, Cox said. Then, COVID-19 hit.

“What we thought might take us years to convince people that you could do this in a more comprehensive way, and you could telework — of course instantly a month later virtually the whole world was teleworking,” Cox said.

Cox and Barricklow have come up with a plan that includes strategic partnerships with organizations specializing in remote worker training and job placement in the tech industry, among others. They are currently applying for funding to get the effort off the ground.

“We live in a beautiful part of the world, where I’m convinced a lot of people that are in RTP would rather live here and bring their jobs if they could do it from here,” Cox said.

Mural in Wilkesboro. Caroline Parker/EducationNC

What comes next?

The next layer in this work, Desmarais said, is to look at their programs through an equity lens as well as an economic mobility lens.

“If I see a program that is heavily white male, then I need to ask myself why is that? Why is there not diversity?” she said. “Likewise if I see a program that is very Black female, why is that, and what are the earnings of these programs?”

Wyner agreed. “We know there are deep inequities in not just who gets a degree, but which degrees people get and whether those degrees have value,” he said. “If we don’t pay attention by race and ethnicity and Pell status, we can’t make good on the promise on equity in higher education either.”

Both VGCC and WCC are also thinking about the impact of the pandemic on labor markets and job opportunities for their students.

Cox is hoping telework is here to stay, and WCC is able to draw people to the area who wouldn’t otherwise be able to move there as well as connect students to outside opportunities.

“I’m hoping [the pandemic] makes us more flexible,” Desmarais said. “I’m determined it will make us think outside the box and offer supports so we can enable people to get what they need. We’ve got to get darn good at not letting people wander around.”


This story was produced as part of the Higher Education Media Fellowship. The fellowship supports new reporting into issues related to postsecondary career and technical education. It is administered by the Institute for Citizens & Scholars and funded by the ECMC foundation.

 

Fuente de la Información: 

‘It’s not enough to get students in the door’ — Reimagining the role of community colleges

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Entrevista a Matthew Huber: «La crisis climática es una lucha de clases»

Por: Astrid Zimmermann, Alexander Brentler 

¿Salvar el clima con menos crecimiento? El geógrafo Matt T. Huber cree que esta forma de combatir la crisis ambiental está equivocada. Los debates en torno al consumo consciente no llevan a ningún lado: solo la democratización de la economía puede salvarnos del colapso ecológico.

Nuevas crisis, nuevos problemas, nuevos actores, nuevas relaciones de poder: la cuestión climática muta constantemente, y lo cambia todo. Necesitamos, entonces, innovar en los conceptos que se toman para entenderla. Al menos ese es el consenso. Pero Matt T. Huber argumenta que eso no es cierto. Para realmente hacer frente a la crisis climática, debemos poner la mira en la reactivación de una vieja reivindicación marxista: la democratización radical de la producción.

Matthew Huber es geógrafo e investiga en la Universidad de Syracuse (Nueva York) sobre las conexiones entre el clima, la energía y el capitalismo. Actualmente está escribiendo un libro que entiende la crisis climática como un conflicto de clases (cuyo título provisional es Climate Change as Class War: Building Socialism on a Warming Planet) que será editado por Verso Books.

Alexander Brentler y Astrid Zimmermann, de Jacobin Alemania, hablaron con él sobre las razones por las que la lucha de clases y la lucha climática deben ir juntas, por qué los llamamientos al decrecimiento son engañosos y cómo podríamos pensar una alternativa socialista.

AZ / AB

Existe una narrativa muy persistente en el discurso sobre el medioambiente, según la cual la crisis climática es una responsabilidad compartida. La posición que tú planteas es que se trata, de hecho, de un conflicto de clases y que, por tanto, debemos tratarlo como tal. De ahí, afirmas que tenemos que situar la política medioambiental en el punto de la producción. Tal vez podría explicar un poco más lo que quieres decir exactamente con esto y hablar de las implicaciones para la estrategia política.

MH

Actualmente estoy terminando la redacción de un libro sobre la clase y la política climática. En un principio, solo quería volver a los fundamentos de una política de clase marxista y, a medida que he ido profundizando, me he dado cuenta de que este enfoque en las relaciones de producción es, en cierto modo, intrínsecamente ecológico. Es así porque la forma en que producimos nuestra existencia como sociedad es una cuestión ecológica. Cuando empiezas a pensar en el problema ambiental de esa manera, lo primero que te das cuenta es que la clase capitalista es la clase que posee y controla los medios de producción. Por lo tanto, también empiezas a pensar en su responsabilidad en la crisis climática. Está muy arraigado en el discurso ambiental dominante la idea de contabilizar las emisiones y el carbono en términos de consumo. Se trata de que, por ejemplo, si tomas un vuelo, esas emisiones son tuyas y eres responsable de ellas.

Pero en ese análisis están ausentes las personas que controlan esas industrias y se benefician de ellas. Así que incluso los análisis más progresistas, como aquel de Oxfam, llaman a este fenómeno «desigualdad de carbono». Aun si nos centráramos en los más ricos y en su huella de carbono, y demostráramos que el 10% más rico del planeta es responsable de más del 50% de las emisiones, seguiríamos examinando apenas los hábitos de consumo de los ricos y su estilo de vida (que, por supuesto, suelen ser atroces y repugnantes).

Lo que no nos preguntamos es: a) ¿Quién mantiene el consumo de los ricos? Si los ricos vuelan, hay una industria aérea que se beneficia de ello. Pero también, b) ¿Qué hacen esos ricos para generar el dinero que les permite consumir como lo hacen? Quizá trabajen en un banco. ¿Qué hace ese banco? ¿Cuál es el impacto del banco en el clima? ¿No es más importante que cualquier estilo de vida o elección de consumo en la que participe una persona rica? Tal vez la persona rica trabaje para una multinacional química. ¿No debe esa actividad estar en el centro de nuestra preocupación, de responsabilidad política? ¿Y no deberíamos centrarnos más en lo que ocurre en el lado de la producción de todo esto? Porque las emisiones, a fin de cuentas, son una red relacional de actores que hicieron posible esa emisión. Así que cuando conduces tu coche, no eres solo tú; son las compañías de automóviles, las compañías petroleras, las compañías de neumáticos las que se han beneficiado del suministro de esa mercancía.

Para mí, no es muy útil la forma en que moralizamos sobre el consumo. La gente, en su mayoría, solo satisface sus necesidades. Claro, mucha gente puede tener un sentido de las necesidades realmente desordenado en el que, en mi país, sienten la necesidad de conducir algo como una 4×4. Pero eso no es nada comparado con la forma de actuar de los capitalistas, donde su necesidad es ganar dinero y seguir haciéndolo. Esa es, para mí, la patología que está en el centro de la crisis climática: la gente que gana dinero, la gente que se beneficia del sistema, y particularmente las formas de producción más intensivas en carbono. Esto incluye no solo la producción de combustibles fósiles, sino también muchas otras formas de producción intensivas en carbono, como el cemento, el acero, los productos químicos y, sobre todo, la electricidad.

Pero centrarse en la producción también nos lleva a pensar de otra manera sobre el papel de la clase trabajadora en todo esto. También en este caso hay que volver a los fundamentos. ¿Qué es la clase obrera en el marco marxista? Es una clase de personas que están separadas de los medios de producción. De nuevo, en un sentido ecológico, eso solo significa que es una clase de personas que son incapaces de sobrevivir a partir de cualquier relación directa con la producción –sobre todo, la propia tierra–, por lo que se ven obligados a vender su fuerza de trabajo en el mercado por un salario. Así que, para la clase trabajadora, la cuestión ecológica es una cuestión de supervivencia: ¿Cómo nos ganamos la vida en esta cosa llamada mercado? ¿Y cómo obtenemos una cantidad de dinero suficiente para sobrevivir en esta increíblemente insegura economía capitalista neoliberal?

En un nivel fundamental, la definición de Marx del proletario es una persona que está separada de la tierra, separada de las condiciones ecológicas de la vida misma. Si empezamos a pensar la cuestión ambiental a partir de una política de la clase trabajadora, en última instancia, debería tratarse de dos cosas. En primer lugar, obviamente dar a la clase trabajadora más seguridad material sobre las necesidades básicas de la vida: alimentos, energía, atención sanitaria y más. En segundo lugar, también deberíamos pensar en dar a esta clase trabajadora que ha sido separada de los sistemas ecológicos un poder democrático popular sobre nuestra relación social con el medio ambiente. Porque ese es el problema fundamental: no tenemos ningún poder sobre lo que está ocurriendo con nuestras relaciones metabólicas con la naturaleza. Somos impotentes. Por eso nos sentimos tan mal respecto al cambio climático. Simplemente sigue ocurriendo y no hay nada que podamos hacer al respecto. El objetivo fundamental, por tanto, debería ser ganar poder democrático sobre la producción para que podamos empezar a dar forma a nuestra relación con la naturaleza y detener esta crisis, que se está saliendo de control.

AZ / AB

También ha señalado que si bien hay un renacimiento del marxismo medioambiental en las últimas décadas, esa corriente tiende a situar la crisis ecológica fuera de la producción y que es esta concepción la que nos aleja de entender la política climática como política de clase. Irónicamente, esta variedad de marxismo se hizo popular en un momento en el que el neoliberalismo triunfaba a nivel mundial, en que nuestra sociedad se reestructuraba bajo parámetros decididamente de clase. ¿De dónde viene esta disonancia?

MH

Me gusta citar a Warren Buffett, una de las personas más ricas de Estados Unidos, que dijo en 2006: «Sí, por supuesto que tenemos una guerra de clases y es mi clase la que la está ganando». Eso básicamente resume tres décadas de inmensa consolidación del poder de la clase capitalista sobre la clase trabajadora, un proceso que se ha producido desde los años 70. Así que lo dijo muy bien: había mucho entusiasmo y energía en torno a los llamados nuevos movimientos sociales, y por una buena razón. Realmente estaban planteando poderosas críticas a la sociedad en líneas medioambientales, feministas y antirracistas.

En el ámbito medioambiental, Ted Benton, por ejemplo, decía: «Estas luchas no son como las que se dan en el punto de producción. Eso es lo que les importaba a los viejos obreros de las fábricas. Pero ahora somos ecologistas y nos preocupa esta reproducción más amplia de la vida fuera de la fábrica». Hasta cierto punto, eso es cierto, porque a un nivel fundamental, los sistemas ecológicos son en los que se basa la producción capitalista. Marx lo demostró cuando los llamó «regalos gratuitos de la naturaleza» para la producción capitalista. Si quieres cortar un árbol, tienes que depender de todos estos sistemas hidrológicos y microbios del suelo y todo lo demás fuera de la forma de la mercancía que son parte integral de esas mercancías que se producen. Así que esos «regalos gratuitos de la naturaleza», esos sistemas ecológicos, son cruciales para la producción, y están siendo destruidos sistemáticamente por el capitalismo.

Pero al teorizar constantemente la ecología como algo externo a la producción se pierde de vista algo importante. Si queremos saber quién es el responsable de la destrucción de estos sistemas externos, bueno, una vez más, tienes que mirar a la gente que controla el punto de producción, la gente que se está beneficiando de la producción. Si empiezas a pensar de esa manera, empiezas a recordar que también hay un montón de trabajadores en ese punto de producción que tienen poder estructural e influencia en virtud de su trabajo, porque pueden negarse a trabajar o ir a huelga, presionando así a las élites.

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Respecto a ese punto sobre el poder estructural, hubo un artículo ayer en el Washington Post de un grupo de investigadores que realizaron un análisis empírico de los movimientos de protesta del siglo XX y XXI. La única variable crucial para el éxito fue la participación de la clase trabajadora industrial. ¿Supongo que eso no le sorprende?

MH

Sí, lo he visto. No me sorprende. Eso también es un problema, porque gran parte de la clase trabajadora industrial está vacía, al menos, en los países que son más responsables históricamente del cambio climático. Así que es necesario volver a tener una solidaridad internacional entre los trabajadores, porque si miras lo que Marx llamó «la morada oculta» de la producción, gran parte de ella ya no está en el norte global. Gran parte está en China, obviamente, pero también en muchos otros países del sudeste asiático y en América Latina.

La crisis climática es consecuencia de nuestros métodos de producción. Últimamente me ha interesado mucho entender que el núcleo de la crisis climática puede resolverse a través del sistema eléctrico. La gente lo llama la estrategia de electrificar todo, limpiar la electricidad, pero luego electrificar partes de la economía que no son eléctricas. He estado pensando mucho en cómo los trabajadores del sector de la energía eléctrica y del sector de los servicios públicos tienen una inmensa influencia y presencia allí mismo, en el punto de producción del propio sistema que, si podemos transformar, catalizará –con suerte– una transformación más amplia de todo el sistema energético. Y, lo que es aún más significativo, en Estados Unidos (y me imagino que en la mayoría de los países) la empresa de electricidad ya es una de las más sindicalizadas de la economía. Así que existe una base de poder estructural e institucional con la que el movimiento climático debe comprometerse más.

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Cuando imaginamos esta transición a la energía limpia o a la energía verde, también queda claro que hay ciertos sectores en los que la pérdida de empleos va a ser un problema. En este momento, desafortunadamente, es principalmente la derecha la que está formulando la política climática como una cuestión de clase, siempre que hacen campaña para asegurar puestos de trabajo en industrias dañinas para el medio ambiente. La perspectiva más prometedora de la izquierda para cortar esta aparente contradicción entre la política climática y la seguridad laboral, es un Green New Deal con garantía de empleo. ¿Cómo comunicamos esto de forma convincente a una clase trabajadora industrial que ha tenido la experiencia de quedar al margen de los grandes cambios estructurales? A veces hay un escepticismo comprensible hacia esta oferta, porque casi parece que es demasiado buena para ser verdad: todo el mundo consigue un trabajo en el sector de la energía verde, bien remunerado, sindicalizado y será un trabajo gratificante.

MH

Me parece que al hablar de una «transición», la gente piensa que lo tenemos todo resuelto. Como si fuera una mera transición. Pero tienes razón, es un reto difícil en general. El problema es que en Estados Unidos, al menos, la expansión de las energías renovables, que es significativa, incluso se dispara. Todo el mundo habla de lo baratas que son ahora y todo el mundo está muy entusiasmado, pero, por desgracia, está siendo impulsada por el pequeño capital. Pequeño capital renovable que está descentralizado y a pequeña escala. Ya sabes, todo el mundo sueña con esta economía de energía renovable descentralizada mientras que en realidad está sucediendo, pero está siendo impulsada por esta clase pequeño burguesa de pequeños capitalistas renovables. Estas industrias no están sindicalizadas. Son casi totalmente antisindicales y los trabajos en este sector no están especialmente bien pagados.

Creo que si queremos ganarnos a los sindicatos tendremos que intentar atraer más inversiones dirigidas por el sector público, un programa público de construcción de energía verde con una garantía de empleo, pero también con una garantía de que estos proyectos públicos van a contratar a trabajadores sindicalizados y emplear a trabajadores sindicalizados para la construcción de este sistema de energía limpia. Porque si nos limitamos a dejar que el mercado lo haga, en primer lugar, no nos decarbonizaremos a la velocidad o la escala que necesitamos, pero en segundo lugar, seguirá sin ser algo bueno para los sindicatos. De hecho, la gente de las centrales eléctricas argumenta que estos desarrollos de energía renovable están destruyendo sus puestos de trabajo.

Desgraciadamente, creo que demasiados ecologistas tienen esta especie de sentimiento sobre los paneles solares y los parques eólicos, como si fueran intrínsecamente naturales y buenos. La gente no está pensando lo suficiente en las relaciones sociales de producción de quién va a controlar estos recursos de energía renovable, cómo se va a determinar la inversión. ¿Podemos tomar el control público de esa inversión de forma que podamos atraer a los sindicatos y ampliarlos? Si lo hacemos, entonces se empieza a construir una base más amplia para ese tipo de programa energético. Pero por el momento se está haciendo de esta manera salvaje, con altos niveles de volatilidad en el mercado, dependiendo de los subsidios públicos y de los créditos fiscales para el desarrollo de las energías renovables. Así que no hay mucho entusiasmo en la base social en torno a este tipo de desarrollo descentralizado y desordenado. De hecho, hay mucha resistencia a ella en las zonas rurales.

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Otra cosa que me preguntaba, cuando mencionaba los sistemas de energía limpia y la producción de estos sistemas de energía limpia, es cómo se relaciona esto con la cuestión de la extracción de recursos. Es obvio que dependerá de la extracción de ciertos recursos naturales y que la mayoría de ellos se encuentran en el Sur Global. Los países que son muy ricos en estos recursos rara vez se benefician de ellos y, en su mayoría, solo se convierten en objeto de relaciones comerciales muy explotadoras con el norte. E intentar recuperar sus recursos, como ocurrió (o al menos se intentó) en Bolivia, ha resultado sumamente difícil. Entonces, ¿cómo afectaría esta transición el orden mundial?

MH

Absolutamente. Estoy seguro de que has oído hablar de mi compañera de los Socialistas Democráticos de América, Thea Riofrancos, que ha trabajado mucho en la extracción de litio en Chile. Ella tiene algunas ideas realmente interesantes sobre la solidaridad internacional a lo largo de las cadenas de suministro. De nuevo, probablemente sea molesto para algunas personas, pero cada vez que empiezo a pensar en la crisis climática, empiezo a pensar en formas muy básicas, casi aburridas y obvias, de la vieja escuela del pensamiento socialista marxista. Y eso te lleva a algunas conclusiones. Obviamente, el programa socialista de la vieja escuela consistía en que los trabajadores del mundo se unieran. Se trataba de la solidaridad internacional. Creo que la solidaridad de los trabajadores es crucial, porque hay trabajadores a lo largo de estas cadenas de suministro que son, digamos, explotados de forma desigual.

Es muy fácil que algunos trabajadores del norte tengan mejores condiciones a costa de la extracción de materias primas superexplotadas en el Sur Global. Por otra parte, la clase capitalista tiene mucha solidaridad internacional. Y por eso es capaz de encontrar estas áreas donde hay recursos minerales y simplemente extraerlos con enormes rentas y beneficios, dejando los residuos y la destrucción para las comunidades. Es un problema del poder capitalista, que tiene demasiado y lo utiliza para superexplotar a estas comunidades rurales marginadas del Sur Global.

Estas comunidades están siendo desplazadas, pero también hay trabajadores en esas minas, trabajadores en el punto de producción. A veces ni siquiera son locales, sino que son traídos de otras partes del mundo. Pero esos trabajadores tienen poder, y tenemos que empezar a pensar en cómo organizamos no solo a los trabajadores de la fábrica de paneles solares, sino también a los trabajadores de la mina que está extrayendo el litio u otros materiales. Mientras la clase obrera sea derrotada globalmente, no va a tener ese tipo de contrapoder que necesitamos para hacer frente al poder incontrolado del capital en todo el mundo. Así que, por desgracia, todo esto nos lleva al difícil imperativo de organizar el poder de la clase trabajadora.

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Tienes un artículo en el que se presenta una alternativa a las llamadas perspectivas de decrecimiento. Esta cuestión del extractivismo aparece constantemente cuando hablamos de crecimiento o decrecimiento. Si nos quedamos en el contexto de América Latina, en Ecuador parece que el tema del extractivismo realmente es lo que está fracturando a la izquierda. Por un lado, bajo el gobierno de Correa, grandes franjas de la población han salido de la pobreza. Se fomentó un gran crecimiento porque se industrializó el país y se ampliaron las infraestructuras. Pero, por otro lado, todo esto hizo necesario el aumento de la extracción de recursos con todas las consecuencias negativas que esto tiene para las comunidades del lugar. ¿Dirías que éste es tal vez un ejemplo en el que la preocupación por el medio ambiente, por un lado, y el crecimiento económico, por otro, están enfrentados?

MH

De nuevo, creo que Thea podría responder la pregunta mucho mejor que yo. Otra cosa desafortunada de la situación allá es que están exportando mucho de sus materias primas a China, que es lo que les está dando dinero que luego puede fluir hacia la infraestructura. Estoy más alineado con la perspectiva de que la izquierda necesita comprender cómo construir poder. Necesitamos ejercer el poder si vamos a ser capaces de construir una economía política alternativa. Así que simpatizo bastante con los proyectos de la Marea Rosa, estos proyectos hicieron poder y lo han mantenido.

Lamentablemente, en muchos casos, ese poder estaba sustentado en la extracción de petróleo, gas, minerales, etc. Y cuando hay extracción, a menudo hay comunidades que son desplazadas o envenenadas. Para mí, la cuestión es si la izquierda puede empezar a construir instituciones capaces de integrar mejor a las comunidades locales en sistemas democráticos que puedan realmente dar forma a cómo se produce la extracción, que incluso tengan la capacidad de decir: «En realidad, no, no vamos a tener la extracción aquí porque esto es demasiado importante para nosotros como comunidad».

En el capitalismo, obviamente, estas comunidades no tienen voz. El capitalismo no es una democracia. Las empresas hacen todo este lavado de cara verde donde tratan de decir que la comunidad está participando en los proyectos. Pero eso no es una verdadera configuración democrática de la producción, que es lo que quieren los socialistas. Me gustaría pensar que si la izquierda en América Latina hubiera sido capaz de aprovechar el poder que había construido y ampliarlo de esa manera, tal vez podrían haber creado estructuras de extracción que no fueran tan destructivas y antidemocráticas, estructuras que sí tuvieran en cuenta las preocupaciones de las comunidades locales. En última instancia, cualquier socialista va a querer que la producción sea siempre democrática para integrar al mayor número posible de personas en las decisiones sobre cómo se desarrolla. Tal vez incluso se podrían ponderar más las voces democráticas cuando se encuentran en las comunidades afectadas por la extracción, probablemente deberían tener más voz sobre estos procesos que las personas que se encuentran en las ciudades. Deberíamos encontrar formas de crear instituciones democráticas que puedan dar forma a la producción de manera que tenga más sentido para la comunidad, que es realmente donde se produce.

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¿Se podría decir que no es lo mismo la defensa del decrecimiento que estar en contra del desarrollo per se? Me parece que a veces, en estos debates, cuando la gente intenta defender su posición, básicamente dicen que no se trata en absoluto de recortar el PIB y hacer que todo el mundo viva mal, sino que afirman que solo quieren reducir las industrias que son perjudiciales y limitar el uso de la energía en el Norte. Hasta dirían que en realidad quieren fomentar el crecimiento en el Sur Global. ¿Es sólo una confusión semántica, o son proyectos políticos muy diferentes el decrecimiento y el tipo de modernismo socialista que usted propone?

MH

Lo primero que puedo decir es que una cosa que me frustra del decrecimiento es que a menudo dicen cosas como: «Bueno, en realidad lo que queremos es reducir el consumo del Norte Global y aumentarlo para el Sur Global». Pero para mí, el conflicto de clases no es territorial en ese sentido. No es como si en el Norte Global a todo el mundo le fuese muy bien y los únicos explotados estuviesen en el Sur Global. Hay una increíble desigualdad dentro del Norte Global. Así que, de nuevo, si empiezas a pensar en la situación global como un conflicto entre el capital y la clase trabajadora, o incluso lo que Mike Davis llamó el proletariado informal, que es mucho más numeroso que la clase trabajadora proletaria tradicional (por no hablar de las clases campesinas y los pueblos indígenas y todos estos grupos subalternos), hay mucha gente a la que no le va bien.

En mi país, algo así como el 70% de los estadounidenses casi no tienen dinero en el banco, la gente está muriendo por falta de insulina, por falta de atención sanitaria básica, y millones de personas están pasando hambre a raíz de esta pandemia. En la estela del neoliberalismo, las masas tienen tantas dificultades económicas que no tiene sentido decir, «sí, simplemente vamos a reducir el consumo en el Norte Global». Bueno, ¿y qué pasa con toda esa gente que no puede comer en el Norte Global? Ese es uno de mis grandes problemas con el decrecimiento.

Como has dicho, a veces es solo semántica. Yo veo la cuestión así: ¿Vas a ganar apoyo predicando vivir con menos? Si tu bandera es decrecimiento, en medio de una época de austeridad ya devastadora, ¿cómo vas a construir el tipo de entusiasmo popular masivo para tu programa?

Cuando les planteas estas cuestiones, siempre dicen:  «No, pero queremos todas estas cosas buenas, como una semana laboral más corta. Queremos tener más tiempo». Hay cosas que sí quieren aumentar, en realidad, con las que estoy de acuerdo. Jason Hickel habla de desmercantilizar los servicios básicos y de la expansión del sector público de los bienes básicos, y estoy de acuerdo con eso. Pero todo eso es una expansión de la actividad económica. Es ofrecer más a la clase trabajadora, pero lo que invoca toda la idea del decrecimiento es que inicialmente vas a pensar menos.

También creo que cae en la trampa del propio PIB, que mide las sociedades en su conjunto. Cuando el PIB aumenta, eso debe significar que toda la sociedad va bien. Pero el agregado no capta la increíble desigualdad dentro de una nación o una sociedad. Y aunque a algunas personas les va fantásticamente bien en nuestra sociedad, a la gran mayoría no. No es más o menos, es menos para unos pocos y más para muchos. Tenemos que volver a ese tipo de análisis de clase que dice, no, es la pequeñísima minoría de capitalistas la que necesita decrecer. Necesitan menos, necesitan mucho menos. Tenemos que gravarlos más, tenemos que erosionar su poder sobre la riqueza y tenemos que crear más para las masas que están sufriendo.

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¿Crees que la situación de clase del movimiento ambientalista también tiene que ver con no prestar atención a la producción y a los detalles tecnológicos específicos? ¿Estamos perdiendo el conocimiento práctico de la clase trabajadora en la transición energética por no poner el foco en una política de clase trabajadora?

MH

Sí, es un punto muy importante. Puede que no funcione, pero me ha entusiasmado la idea de intentar poner el foco en los sindicatos en el sector eléctrico, ya que van a ser muy importantes en esta transición de descarbonización.

Muchos de esos trabajadores se clasificarían más como clase profesional porque tienen títulos, son ingenieros. Tienen un enorme conocimiento del punto de producción. Algunos de los sindicatos también representan a los trabajadores más manuales, los trabajadores de mantenimiento que hacen el trabajo más duro en esos sistemas de servicios públicos, como los trabajadores de línea, que es realmente un trabajo muy peligroso. Pero hay un conocimiento increíble allí. Y eso, de nuevo, se remonta a un viejo tropo socialista marxista de que, ya sabes, son los trabajadores los que mejor conocen el sistema. Ellos son los que lo mantienen en funcionamiento. Son los que lo mantienen, y si algún día pudieran realmente dirigirlo, sería mejor.

Pero para la clase profesional, que tradicionalmente se define como la gente que hace trabajo mental o de conocimiento en la llamada «economía del conocimiento», la producción es más bien un objeto de conocimiento y estudio. Y sus conclusiones suelen ser: «Bueno, mira toda la destrucción que conlleva esto, mira lo malo que es», en lugar de estar presente y querer transformar ese sistema. No pretenden entender cómo todas nuestras vidas dependen realmente del funcionamiento de esos sistemas, y que en realidad tenemos que pensar en transformarlos en lugar de descartarlos.

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Cuando hablamos del clima, muchas veces se discute como si fuera una cuestión de conocimiento. O aceptas este conocimiento o lo niegas; tienes este conocimiento y entiendes lo que es el cambio climático y esto ya por sí te va a politizar. Pero hemos visto que eso no es cierto. ¿Cómo salimos de esta situación? ¿Cómo nos movilizamos por una política climática de izquierdas?

MH

Obviamente, creo que la ciencia es importante. Cuando se defiende un tipo de modernismo socialista como el que yo defiendo, se debería tomar un momento y decir: «¿No es asombroso que nuestra especie entienda estos sistemas como el clima; que sepamos que estamos en esta crisis hasta el punto en que lo estamos? ¿Que conozcamos las formas en que estos gases interactúan con la atmósfera de manera que están provocando estos efectos?». Así que la ciencia en sí misma es realmente sorprendente.

Pero, como dicen, cuando se hace política sobre si se cree o no en la ciencia, se aleja a mucha gente que podría no entender la ciencia o no querer entender los complejos procesos bio y geoquímicos. Y también conduce a un gran problema entre los creyentes liberales de la ciencia, que es que miran por encima del hombro y son bastante soberbios con las masas. Eso es simplemente contraproducente.

También existe esta teoría liberal del cambio que asume que si las masas entendieran la ciencia, entonces la acción seguiría naturalmente. Este modo de análisis parece sugerir que lo peor que hace la industria de los combustibles fósiles es difundir la negación del clima, cuando lo que hacen es controlar materialmente nuestro sistema energético.

Creo, y muchos otros lo han dicho, que el movimiento climático gira en torno al Green New Deal, encontrando una mejor articulación de estas políticas. Si hacemos que la política climática se centre en mejorar las cuestiones materiales de tu vida, no tenemos que explicarte el efecto invernadero, no tenemos que convencerte de la urgencia científica. Solo tenemos que decir que esto es algo que te va a dar trabajo, que va a desmercantilizar tu electricidad y que va a ir en contra de esa empresa de servicios públicos que odias y que te está estafando y subiendo los precios. Si construimos el movimiento en torno a mejoras materiales directas, visibles y fáciles de entender, crearemos una base de apoyo popular porque eso es lo que sabemos que funciona políticamente. Sabemos que cuando se implementan programas que son universales y beneficiosos para las masas, se vuelven inmensamente populares.

Pero tenemos que reconocer que no podemos limitarnos a darle cosas a la clase trabajadora y así comprar su apoyo para ganar una transición de descarbonización. Creo que también tenemos que pensar en cómo ganar a la clase trabajadora para una visión más amplia de la crisis climática como algo real que tenemos que tomar en serio; algo que debe unirnos como especie, pero también como países y partidos políticos, para resolver. Y si vamos a hacerlo, creo que debemos revivir la idea de la producción y la inversión democrática: que la forma en que producimos las cosas que necesitamos debe ser algo en lo que la sociedad tenga voz y control. Tenemos que establecer ese vínculo y mostrar cómo esa democracia es ecológica. La gente debería sentir que forma parte de un proyecto democrático más amplio para resolver realmente esa crisis mediante la democratización de nuestros recursos productivos. Eso también debería formar parte de estas políticas. Que no se trate solo de darte cosas, sino de convertirte en un agente de transformación de todo el sistema. Y como la clase trabajadora es la gran mayoría de cualquier sociedad capitalista, tiene que ser el núcleo de cualquier visión democrática de la política climática.

Astrid Zimmermann es editora de Jacobin Alemania.

Alexander Brentler es colaborador de Jacobin Alemania.

Fuente: https://jacobinlat.com/2021/04/22/la-crisis-climatica-es-una-lucha-de-clases/

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México: La reacción de la hija de unos campesinos indígenas mexicanos al conseguir una beca completa para estudiar en la Universidad de Harvard

La reacción de la hija de unos campesinos indígenas mexicanos al conseguir una beca completa para estudiar en la Universidad de Harvard

Elizabeth Esteban, hija de migrantes mexicanos descendientes de indígenas purépecha, ha conseguido una beca completa para cursar los estudios en la prestigiosa Universidad de Harvard.

La joven y su familia son originarios del estado mexicano de Michoacán, pero actualmente viven en una casa rodante en el valle de Coachella, al sur de California. Mientras sus padres trabajaban en el campo y luchaban para que ella y sus hermanos tengan una vida mejor, la chica se enfocaba en los estudios para salir adelante.

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¡ERES UN ORGULLO PARA TODA TU FAMILIA! Elizabeth Esteban, hija de migrantes indígenas purépechas, ha sido aceptada y becada en Harvard, una de las instituciones más prestigiosas del mundo.

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«Sí valió la pena, porque ya mi hija logró lo que ella tanto anhelaba, su sueño de estudiar y ahora pues con más razón. Estoy muy orgullosa de que todas las metas se le están cumpliendo», subrayó la madre de Elizabeth, Cecilia Esteban, la semana pasada en una entrevista al canal KABC-TV.

La joven recordó que anteriormente «nadie en esta comunidad ha podido lograr» ser admitido por una universidad tan famosa. «Me siento muy orgullosa y muy agradecida, y muy feliz porque nadie de aquí piensa que alguien de este lado del este del valle puede lograr algo así», afirmó.

Elizabeth reveló que al principio dudó de si debería aplicar a Harvard debido al temor de ser latina y de una familia de bajos recursos y agregó que no sentía que sus logros «habían merecido atender una universidad tan prestigiosa».

Además, explicó que su escuela secundaria se vio obligada a cerrar debido a la pandemia, como todas las demás en todo el país, creando otro obstáculo en su aprendizaje. «Soy una de los estudiantes que también tiene problemas con el Internet porque uso el Internet que nos dio el distrito», señaló la joven y dijo que incluso perdió parte de su entrevista de admisión a la universidad por la baja conectividad en su zona rural. «Después pensé en mí misma, que tengo que seguir luchando y la pandemia era otro obstáculo que tenía que pasar», añadió.

Detalló que planea estudiar las Ciencias Políticas y en un futuro quiere convertirse en congresista de esa región.

Fuente de la Información: https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/390404-hija-campesinos-indigenas-mexicanos-consigue-beca

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Estados Unidos: California police officer allegedly punches woman twice in the face during arrest

California police officer allegedly punches woman twice in the face during arrest

Authorities said she exhibited “signs of being under the influence” and paramedics were called. As they waited for medics to arrive, Garcia was «not complaint» and “became combative,» police said.

A California police officer has been placed on administrative leave after he was filmed apparently punching a handcuffed woman twice in the face, according to police.

On April 21, police say they received a call alleging that 34-year-old Ciomara Garcia assaulted an Asian woman who tried to rescue a dog running in the street.

Officers said they found Garcia and learned she had an outstanding felony bench warrant for vandalism. She was handcuffed by officers.

Authorities said she exhibited “signs of being under the influence” and paramedics were called. As they waited for medics to arrive, Garcia was «not complaint» and “became combative,» police said.

Video footage taken by a bystander shows Garcia falling to the ground after being handcuffed with her hands behind her back. She appears to kick one officer.

In the video, the officer, who has not been named and appeared to be kicked, then struck Garcia. He hit her «two times in the face with his fist,» police said.

The footage then shows the other two officers immediately intervene and push him away from Garcia.

«When we opened the door, they’re trying to put handcuffs on her, and she was resisting,» Adolfo Rosales, who claimed to be Garcia’s brother, said to local ABC affiliate KABC. «They’re walking her out, and when we got out of the walkway, that’s when she started kicking their shins. That’s when they threw her into the plants.»

Garcia was taken to a nearby hospital for evaluation and no injuries were reported, according to police. She has been booked into Orange County Jail.

Police said an investigation of the officer’s use of force and the witness cellphone footage led them to place the officer on paid administrative leave pending an internal affairs investigation.

The Westminster Police Department said the Orange County District Attorney’s Office “will evaluate the officer’s use of force and determine if criminal charges are warranted.”

The department said it will also submit the charges against Garcia, including assault and battery and resisting arrest, to the DA’s office. A lawyer for Garcia could not be immediately identified.

“The Westminster Police Department considers this a serious event and will ensure that this investigation will be guided by the law and the truth,” the department said in a statement.

Fuente de la Información: https://abcnews.go.com/US/california-police-officer-allegedly-punches-woman-face-arrest/story?id=77265492&cid=clicksource_4380645_8_heads_posts_card_hed

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Canadá: Area boards release joint 2021-22 school year calendar

Area boards release joint 2021-22 school year calendar

In a join news release issued today, all four area school boards – Algoma District School Board, Conseil scolaire catholique Nouvelon, Conseil scolaire public du Grand Nord de l’Ontario, and Huron-Superior Catholic District School Board – shared a new modified 2021- 2022 school year calendar.

Included in the joint calendar are mandatory PA days, Christmas holidays, and March Break dates.

In March of this year, the Ministry of Education requested that all school boards schedule three mandatory Professional Activity (PA) days prior to the start of student instruction for the 2021-2022 school year. As such, all boards in the Algoma District have modified their 2021- 2022 school year calendars.

Algoma District School Board (ADSB), Conseil scolaire catholique Nouvelon, Conseil scolaire public du Grand Nord de l’Ontario (CSPGNO) and Huron-Superior Catholic District School Board (HSCDSB) have approved the modified School Year Calendar for 2021-2022.

The four school boards have worked together to produce a common calendar, facilitating the co-ordination of services such as student transportation. Each board adopted the calendar, consisting of a 194-day school year, following its own consultation process. Their respective calendars will be submitted to the Ministry of Education for final approval.

The 2021-2022 School Year Calendar will be the same for all English and French-language schools and all public and Catholic school boards in the Algoma and Sudbury Districts including Blind River, Chapleau, Dubreuilville, Elliot Lake, Espanola, Hornepayne, Manitoulin Island, Massey, the North Shore, Sault Ste. Marie, Spanish, Wawa and White River. Except for minor changes, the calendar will also apply to CSC Nouvelon and CSPGNO schools
in Greater Sudbury, Espanola and Sudbury East.

Overview of the Modified 2021-2022 School Year

Elementary and Secondary Schools:  
•    CSC Nouvelon staff begin on Wednesday, Sept. 1, 2021
•    ADSB, CSPGNO and HSCDSB staff begin on Thursday, Sept. 2, 2021
•    CSC Nouvelon students begin classes on Wednesday, Sept. 8, 2021
•    ADSB, CSPGNO and HSCDSB students begin classes on Thursday, Sept. 9, 2021
•    The Christmas holiday schedule is set from Dec. 20 to Dec. 31, 2021 inclusive
•    March Break is scheduled from Monday, March 14 to Friday March 18, 2022. CSC Nouvelon students will also have a board holiday on Friday, March 11, 2022
•    The last day of classes for students is June 30, 2022

Professional Activity Days:
•    Sept. 1, 2021 – CSC Nouvelon only
•    Sept. 2, 2021- four boards
•    Sept. 3, 2021 – CSC Nouvelon only
•    Sept. 7, 2021 – ADSB, CSPGNO and HSCDSB
•    Sept. 8, 2021- ADSB, CSPGNO and HSCDSB
•    Sept. 24, 2021 – four boards
•    Feb. 4, 2022 – four boards
•    May 20, 2022 – four boards
•    June 10, 2022 – four boards

The complete School Year Calendar for 2021-2022 is available on school board websites:
•    Algoma District School Board
•    Huron-Superior Catholic District School Board
•    Conseil scolaire catholique Nouvelon
•    Conseil scolaire public du Grand Nord de l’Ontario

 

Fuente de la Información: https://www.sootoday.com/local-news/area-boards-release-joint-2021-22-school-year-calendar-3660645

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How U.S. Medical Schools Are Training a Post-Pandemic Generation of Doctors

How U.S. Medical Schools Are Training a Post-Pandemic Generation of Doctors

In February 2019, the Kaiser Permanente health system announced a new kind of medical school. The school would be built “from the ground up” to prepare students for the complexities of the U.S. medical system. The curriculum would emphasize cultural competency, patient and provider well-being, and the elimination of socioeconomic disparities in the medical system. Students would see patients right away, and hands-on learning would replace many lectures. What’s more, the first five graduating classes would pay nothing to attend; Kaiser hoped this would attract a student body more diverse than the typical U.S. medical school.

“The school will help shape the future of medical education,” promised Kaiser CEO Bernard Tyson, who died unexpectedly, reportedly of a heart attack, about nine months after the announcement.

That future felt a good deal more urgent by the time the Kaiser Permanente Bernard J. Tyson School of Medicine opened its doors in Pasadena, Calif., in July. The COVID-19 pandemic had put a hold on almost every facet of “normal” life, and the medical system was scrambling to treat millions of patients with a new and terrifying disease, a disproportionate number of them Black and brown. The streets were filled with people protesting police brutality and racism, as a nation that had long overslept awoke to the disparities woven into almost every American institution. “Our country doesn’t just have a pandemic; it also has a renewed recognition of centuries of racism,” says Kaiser’s founding dean Dr. Mark Schuster. “We need to make sure that our students understand our history.”

Kaiser isn’t alone there, of course. Medical schools all over the world have had to adjust on the fly during the pandemic, in ways both practical and ideological. First, schools had to figure out how to remotely train students in skills taught hands-on before lockdowns. Then, in the U.S., schools were also forced to grapple with their roles in a health care system that often fails to keep Black and brown patients well. That meant learning how to produce doctors who could help chip away at those disparities moving forward. With no warning and no instruction manual, medical schools are figuring out how to train a generation of post-pandemic doctors for a world still taking shape.

The foundations of the American medical education system haven’t changed much for decades. The first two years are a mad rush to attend lectures and memorize as much information as humanly possible, since students usually take the first part of their medical licensing exam after their second year of school. In their third year, students start clinical rotations in hospitals, then spend most of their fourth trying to find a match for their next phase of training: medical residency.

The coronavirus pandemic upended all of that last spring. Classes could no longer happen in person, let alone in large lecture halls. Students couldn’t go to hospitals for training, since facilities needed to conserve resources and personal protective equipment. And travel restrictions made it difficult for fourth-year students to do “audition rotations” at hospitals where they hoped to complete residency. Fiona Chen, who was in her third year at Brown University’s Warren Alpert Medical School, went from spending around 40 hours a week in the clinic to watching one Zoom lecture a week and volunteering for a coronavirus information hotline. “We basically put a pause on our entire lives,” she says.

They couldn’t stay paused forever. Schools had no choice but to adapt, which, for many, opened the door to overdue changes—changes that are coming in handy with COVID-19 again surging and new lockdowns being enacted.

“A lot of the inertia and conventions of medicine are being broken down,” says Dr. William Jeffries, vice dean for medical education at the Geisinger Commonwealth School of Medicine in Pennsylvania. “Advances in medical education are now happening at light speed.”

Though some students returned to the classroom later in the year, step one last spring was bringing traditional classes online—a fairly easy task for most schools in the developed world, though less so for schools in places like Southeast Asia and Africa, where Internet access is spottier. In developed nations, at least, the shift enabled schools to look critically at the way they were teaching before the pandemic. Kaiser’s preexisting plan to teach students anatomy using virtual reality simulators, rather than cadavers, proved fortuitous. Imperial College London gave students access to a video library of old patient interviews and exams. At New York University’s Grossman School of Medicine, professors began prerecording their lectures so students could watch in advance and use class time for livelier discussion. “Lectures have been fading as a useful didactic model for 10 years, but we continue to use them,” says Dr. Steven Abramson, NYU’s vice dean for education, faculty and academic affairs. The pandemic may finally catalyze lasting change.

When third- and fourth-year students were yanked from hospitals last spring, many schools pivoted to telemedicine appointments. (This wasn’t unique to medical schools; remote visits surged across the health care system.) After the new academic year started this past summer, third-year students at Geisinger spent the first 10 weeks learning how to take patient assessments and develop treatment plans over Zoom. “When clinical care changes, medical student education follows,” says Dr. Alison Whelan, chief medical education officer at the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC).

That required teaching students “webside” (as opposed to bedside) manner, to prepare them for a clinical practice likely to be far more virtual than that of their predecessors. “If you’re not shaking hands, how do you make that initial connection [with a patient]?” Whelan asks. Students have also been honing the skills needed to perform the behind-the-scenes work that goes into a telemedicine appointment—like how to handle patient privacy when a spouse wanders into the room, or what to do when a patient can’t figure out how to work the web platform, Whelan says.

Still, you can’t take an EKG or draw blood virtually. To continue teaching skills like these when students were sent home, Geisinger built an “e-ICU” that allows students to see what’s going on in hospital rooms, and remotely do the sort of trainee doctor work they’d have done in person before the pandemic. Through a webcam, they can ask resident doctors on duty to perform certain exams or tests, as if they’re actually at the patient’s bedside, and then get immediate feedback from the resident.

The model worked so well that Geisinger plans to continue the e-ICU and the school’s broader telemedicine training even as students return to regular clinical work, Jeffries says. Doctors who are digitally literate and comfortable using telemedicine could help expand access to care in the future, he says. Programs like the e-ICU could also help connect doctors in small community clinics with specialists who may not be available locally. “I come from a small town in the middle of nowhere. We don’t even have a post office,” says Dr. Cass Lippold, a critical-care fellow at Geisinger who oversaw the e-ICU program. “This will be great to help those people who don’t have access to a hospital.”

Programs like these could also improve doctors’ work-life balance. “If you’re a physician with a couple young kids at home, telemedicine has really opened an opportunity to work from home a couple days a week and still see patients,” says NYU’s Abramson. Jeffries notes that moving classes online could also make it easier for prospective doctors with physical or learning disabilities to participate, since they could tailor their environment to fit their needs.

Cruz Riley, a first-year student at Kaiser Permanente's new medical school, is photographed on campus in Pasadena, Calif., in November.

The shift to online learning was a logistical undertaking, but the harder work may be producing doctors who are better equipped to take on the systemic issues exposed by the pandemic, like race-based health disparities, uneven access to care and ballooning treatment costs.

At Kaiser Permanente, that preparation began before students even started classes last summer. The entire class was invited to a virtual check-in to discuss the racial-justice movement, and the conversation hasn’t stopped since, says 26-year-old first-year student Cruz Riley, who has a special interest in Black maternal health. “You would think [students] would be talking about what we watched on Netflix,” he says. “But [the students] are always talking about systematic inequality, and we are always bouncing ideas off each other.”

Even at a school that proudly states its dedication to diversity and has woven race and racism into its curriculum, the conversations haven’t been seamless. In December, Kaiser physician and medical school instructor Dr. Aysha Khoury, who is Black, went viral on Twitter when she posted that the school had suspended her from teaching in August after she led a frank, emotional discussion about racial disparities and bias in health care. Even after outcry from students and fellow physicians, Khoury says she has not been reinstated to her faculty position or told which policy the school thinks she violated. “I wish [administrators] understood that it is O.K. for Black people, people from marginalized groups, to share their stories,” Khoury says. “If we’re truly going to change health care … they have to create a way and space to move forward together.”

Representatives from Kaiser did not comment on details of the investigation but said the school values diversity and Khoury was not penalized for talking about her personal experiences or for discussing anti-racism in medicine—a topic spokespeople maintained is a cornerstone of Kaiser’s curriculum.

Kaiser also requires first-year students to take a class on mental health and overcoming stress, and to visit an on-campus psychologist three times during their first semester. Those services, available free of charge throughout their medical education, are part of a program Kaiser implemented to counter high rates of burnout and mental distress among medical students: studies estimate more than 25% worldwide show signs of depression, and about 10% of suicidal thinking. But it has also provided valuable support as students of color do the emotional labor of living through constant reminders of racism in America, says 25-year-old first-year student Emilia Zevallos-Roberts, who was born in Ecuador.

Courses on health disparities and racism in medicine aren’t new in the U.S., but they also haven’t been terribly effective. Racism is still a problem in medical schools, as well as the wider medical system. A 2020 study found that about 25% of students who identify as Black, Hispanic/Latinx or American Indian/Alaska Native experienced race-based discrimination during medical education. That doesn’t stop after graduation. “There were so many comments that I had to endure in my undergraduate years, in my medical school years,” Dr. Tsion Firew, an emergency-medicine physician at New York City’s Columbia University, who is Black, told TIME last summer. “When I walk into my hospital, it’s not [diverse] like New York City. The second you walk into the hospital, you are reminded that you’re not part of the majority.”

Medicine and medical education remain very white fields in America. In 2019, out of nearly 38,500 medical school professors in the U.S., 755 (2%) identified as Black, around 1,000 (2.6%) identified as Hispanic or Latino, and just 37 (0.01%) identified as American Indian or Alaska Native, according to AAMC data. More than 29,000, or 75%, identified as white. For context, about 60% of the total U.S. population identifies as white, while about 12% identify as Black, 18% as Hispanic, 5.6% as Asian and less than 1% as American Indian/Alaska Native, according to data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey.

Given that dynamic, it’s not hard to understand why many schools haven’t historically done a good job teaching concepts like cultural competency (the ability to connect with and treat patients from all backgrounds) and social determinants of health (the myriad ways socioeconomic factors affect a person’s well-being). Many also fail to correct (and in some cases even perpetuate) racist and incorrect stereotypes about biological differences between Black and white patients. One 2016 study found that, out of about 400 medical students and residents surveyed in the U.S., half held false beliefs, such as that Black people have a higher pain tolerance or physically thicker skin than white people. If students are steeped in these incorrect stereotypes, rather than very real social determinants of health, they may contribute to a system of racially insensitive, and potentially harmful, medical care.

Many schools were already working to fix that before the pandemic, but mainstream conversations about inequality and racism have hastened the process. Chen, currently a fourth-year student at Brown, says she’s noticed that race and social factors now come up when discussing every patient case, whereas before they were often relegated to stand-alone lectures or lessons. Tian Mauer, a third-year student at Geisinger, has noticed the same thing. And for schools across the U.S., the AAMC has guidelines for teaching equity, diversity and inclusion in medicine. “COVID has really highlighted for some for whom it had not yet clicked that the social determinants of health are really critical,” Whelan says.

Of course, it will take more than a few lectures to address centuries-old disparities in medical care, particularly because systemic racism has so many tendrils. It’s not enough to train physicians on implicit bias and cultural sensitivity when Black and Hispanic Americans’ health suffers due to poverty and segregation built up over centuries—or when many people from these communities can’t afford to become doctors themselves, perpetuating cycles of mistrust in a heavily white medical system.

At most medical schools, the student body looks a lot like the faculty. Together, Black and Hispanic students made up less than 15% of the national medical student population during the 2019–2020 school year, AAMC data show. People who identified as American Indian/Alaska Native made up just 0.2%. Wealth disparities go a long way to explaining why: medical school tuition and fees can easily top $60,000 per year, and the average new doctor graduates with about $200,000 in debt, according to AAMC data.

Before the pandemic, a small but growing group of schools were trying out a way to fix that: offering free or heavily discounted tuition. NYU permanently waived its $55,000 annual tuition in 2018. Geisinger now offers free tuition for students who agree to practice within its health system. Kaiser’s free tuition offer will go to its first five graduating classes.

The pandemic may accelerate conversations about affordability, especially as financial stress stretches on. Dr. Steven Scheinman, the dean at Geisinger, says a stronger reliance on remote learning could push the school’s tuition down over time. NYU and about a dozen other U.S. medical schools are also part of a consortium studying how an accelerated medical school schedule—three years instead of four—affects learning, student finances and licensing and placement for new doctors. Cutting a year of school would get doctors out into the field faster, saving them a year of expenses. More than a dozen U.S. medical schools, including NYU and each of the four medical schools in Massachusetts, along with many in the U.K., like the University of Cambridge and Oxford University, allowed their students to graduate early last spring to help with pandemic response. In a worst-case scenario, the ongoing spike in cases and hospitalizations could necessitate something similar.The U.S. medical school system also has missed opportunities presented by COVID-19. For example, relatively few schools changed their admission requirements in ways that could have made life easier for applicants. To apply for most U.S. medical schools, students still had to take a $320 hours-long standardized exam called the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT). A grassroots group called Students for Ethical Admissions called on schools to waive that requirement, citing the risks of disease spread that come with sitting for hours in an exam room with strangers, but only a handful of schools, including Stanford and the University of Minnesota, did so. The AAMC, which administers the test, maintains that all students should still take the MCAT.

And not all schools have used the moment to update their curricula, nor done a seamless job of bringing learning online. A study of U.K. medical students found that the majority experienced some disruption to their normal training. “This is a detriment to my education, sitting in my bedroom trying to focus when my parents are home working,” agrees 23-year-old Elli Warsh, who is in a nursing program at New Jersey’s Rutgers University. Warsh and her classmates were pulled out of the hospital from March to July and didn’t see any patients for those months. They had to practice skills like full-body assessments on family members or roommates; some students who lived alone used teddy bears. Now, Warsh says, she has no idea if her skills will be on par with previous new nurses when she graduates in May.

Those are real fears, particularly for students who aren’t attending big-name, richly endowed medical schools that were able to adjust on the fly, and for students shouldering burdens like financial distress and childcare during the pandemic. Time will tell how they fare when their residency placements come around. In the meantime, students like Zevallos-Roberts, from Kaiser’s School of Medicine, find optimism in the disruption. “Although the pandemic is obviously devastating,” Zevallos-Roberts says, “I’m hoping that the energy and momentum for change that we’re seeing now, that we’re able to bring that forward when we’re graduating three years from now.”

Update, Jan. 7, 2021

This story has been updated to include information about Dr. Aysha Khoury’s suspension from Kaiser Permanente’s medical school.

Fuente de la Información: https://time.com/5914062/medical-schools-coronavirus-pandemic/

 

 

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Estados Unidos: Biodegradable plastic that can break down in your compost developed by scientists

Biodegradable plastic that can break down in your compost developed by scientists

Biodegradable plastic bags, cutlery and coffee cup lids may seem like a win for the environment, but they often introduce more problems than solutions.

Despite being touted as «green», many of these plastics take just as long as their conventional counterparts to break down in home composts and landfill, leading to more pollution in soils and waterways.

Many are also not recyclable, and can only be broken down by industrial composting under high temperatures.

Now, a team of researchers at the University of California, Berkeley have finally created a biodegradable plastic that disappears almost entirely in household compost within a matter of days, just by adding heat and water.

The new material includes built-in enzymes that chew the plastic down to non-toxic molecules without leaving behind traces of harmful microplastics.

The researchers’ study has been published today in Nature.

«Enzymes are really just catalysts evolved by nature to carry out reactions,» materials scientist and study co-author Ting Xu said.

Biodegradable does not equal compostable

2015 study estimated that just 9 per cent of the world’s plastics are recycled, with most of it ending up in landfill.

Australia is marginally better, with about 18 per cent of our plastic waste ending up at recycling facilities.

Biodegradable plastics — which break down into water, carbon dioxide or organic material with the help of microorganisms — have been proposed as an environmentally friendlier alternative to petroleum-based varieties.

Many of these plastics are made from polyesters, such as polylactic acid (PLA) and polycaprolactone (PCL).

They comprise tightly packed chains of molecules, called polymers.

This makes them durable, but also difficult for water and soil microbes to penetrate enough to degrade them.

Scientist in lab creating plastic

While the chemical make-up of these traditional materials is technically biodegradable, they can only be broken down in industrial composting facilities under tightly controlled temperatures and conditions, said materials scientist Hendrik Frisch at the Queensland University of Technology, who was not involved in the study.

«Under other conditions such as soil or marine environments, these materials often display a similar durability as their conventional fossil-fuel-based counterparts, causing significant environmental damage and pollution,» Dr Frisch said.

In response to this problem, the federal government launched a National Plastics Plan earlier this year that aims to phase out plastics that «do not meet compostable standards».

The power of enzymes

Professor Xu has been exploring how to use enzymes to tackle pollution and make materials more biodegradable for more than a decade.

In 2018, Professor Xu and her team created fibre mats with embedded enzymes that break down toxic chemicals, found in insecticides and chemical warfare agents, in water.

In their new study, Professor Xu and colleagues dispersed billions of polyester-eating enzymes throughout PLA and PCL beads, which are used early in the manufacturing process to create plastic products.

After melting these beads down, they shaped the material into filaments and sheets for testing.

Biodegradable plastic breaks down in compost

To prevent these enzymes from falling apart before they had a chance to do their job, the researchers coated them in custom-designed polymers to keep them embedded in the plastic.

Without this supportive polymer coating, the enzymes could only partially chew through the molecular chains, leaving behind polluting microplastics.

But when wrapped in the coating, the enzymes were able to chomp these large molecules down to their building blocks, similar to unthreading a pearl necklace.

«The enzyme doesn’t leave the plastic [behind],» Professor Xu said.

«Even when the plastic degrades into very small pieces, the enzymes keep working.»

Plastics pull a disappearing act

When the team added their enzyme-studded polyesters to household soil compost with a little tap water, 98 per cent was converted into their individual building blocks in just a few days.

The small molecules left behind were harmless, with the enzymes turning PLA into lactic acid, a food source for soil microbes.

The enzymes ate away at the plastics even faster under industrial composting conditions, with PCL breaking down in just two days at 40 degrees Celsius, and the PLA disappearing within six days at 50C.

While the «programmed degradation» offers a promising approach to tackling plastic pollution, Dr Frisch says more research is needed to find out whether the technique works on other types of plastic.

Reassembling the remains of the degraded plastics into new products may also require a specialised recycling facility, he added.

«Implementing multiple cycles of making and unmaking will be something that has to be investigated in the future.»

Professor Xu said the approach could one day be applied to make products that are more biodegradable, from polyester clothing to biodegradable glue in phones and electronics.

«We want to work with industry to really move this forward, so that it’s in the grocery store and on your countertop.»

Fuente de la Información: https://www.abc.net.au/news/science/2021-04-22/biodegradable-plastic-compost-enzymes-environment-soil-green/100082958

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