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Not All Money Troubles Are Equal, Why Blacks and Hispanics Have It Much Worse

América del Norte/EEUU/Abril 2016/Autor: Gillian B. White/ Fuente: The Atlantic

Resumen: En los Estados Unidos de América a pesar de que todos los grupos pueden sufrir de inseguridad financiera; sin embargo para los negros y los hispanos en ese país las consecuencias pueden ser mucho peor. Concretamente en lo referente a las diferencias en las estructuras educativas y familiares que representan algunas de las diferenciaciones de los salarios.

Stories like the one told in this month’s cover story—of a well-off white professional whose finances are a wreck—seem to suggest that financial calamity can strike anyone, of any race or income level, via a series of unfortunate events or financial missteps. “Financial impotence is an equal-opportunity malady, striking across every demographic divide,” writes Neal Gabler, the story’s author.

It might be true that this can happen to anyone, but for minorities, it’s far, far more likely. It’s also true that in the event of a downturn—personal or market-wide—they fall harder, faster. They have fewer resources for digging themselves out of a hole, and they are unlikely to know anyone who is much better off who could spot them the needed cash. Financial insecurity is in no way an equal-opportunity offender.

When it comes to measuring this problem, the ability to dig into one’s emergency fund to cover it is a popular heuristic. According to Pew, common emergency expenses—such as a car repair, hospital bill, or a sudden job loss—can eat up as much as $2,000. Most American households—regardless of income —don’t have that much set aside to cover such shocks. Many white families could instead turn to liquid assets, such as stocks or bonds or other savings to bridge the gap. But that’s just not possible for the majority of minorities. “Households of color are particularly fragile: A quarter of black households would have less than $5 if they liquidated all of their financial assets,” the study’s author Erin Currier, the director of financial security and mobility project at Pew Charitable Trust writes.

Such numbers are distressing but not surprising: Blacks and Hispanics continue to struggle economically. In 2013, the median white family had wealth that totaled more than $140,000, Hispanics had only $14,000. And black Americans had $11,000. People of color are less likely to belong to the seemingly safe middle class —about 45 percent and 48 percent respectively. For whites, more than half of the population, around 52 percent, is middle class. Those numbers might not seem all that far apart, but when you take a look at the median incomes within racial groups (for a family of three) the disparities become clearer: Based on 2012 data, children of white families that fall into the middle quintile of earners made around $55,000 each year. Black children whose families were also middle quintile wind up earning around $13,000 less. The median income of whites was higher than that of blacks for at each quintile. That means that even when they fall into the same economic class, these groups are still pretty far apart in terms of actual earnings, says Richard Fry, a senior researcher at the Pew Research Center.

And once in the middle class, it’s harder for black Americans to stay there. (Most mobility data is restricted to comparisons between blacks and whites and does not include Hispanics or Asian Americans.) “When comparing intergenerational economic mobility by race, the data show that more than half of African Americans raised in the middle quintile fall out of the middle as adults, compared to about a third of whites,” Currier said. “Unfortunately, there were so few black parents in the top two income quintiles that examining the economic mobility of their children is not possible,” she added.

What is driving these disparities? Part of the problem is that the ways that families accumulate wealth are stacked against blacks and Hispanics. Housing—equity in which makes up more than 60 percent of the average American household’s wealth—is a major factor. Even decades after the formal cessation of redlining, blacks and Hispanics are significantly less likely to be homeowners than their white counterparts. At the start of 2016, the homeownership for white Americans was 72 percent. For Hispanics it was 47 percent. For blacks it was 41 percent. Even for those minorities who are able to buy homes, the benefits are more muted than they are for white Americans. Why? Blacks and Hispanics are more likely to live in low-income neighborhoods, which means that their homes don’t appreciate as much as they would if they were somewhere else. But more than that, when these families do move to mostly white neighborhoods, they nevertheless tend to also suffer. In fact, studies have shown that once more than 10 percent of a neighborhood becomes populated by black households, property values begin to decline simply because of their presence.

A prime example of this inequality is the aftermath of the housing crisis. While whites are more likely to own homes, they are also more likely to own other assets. For black homeowners, however, houses account for just about all of their wealth. That means that the recession gutted nearly all of the black wealth that there was. A report from the ACLU estimates that by 2031, white families’ wealth will be about 31 percent lower because of the recession. Black families will have given up around 40 percent of their wealth.

Taxes can play a role too. According to Dorothy Brown, a professor of tax law at Emory University, some of the credits, deductions, and rules that provide windfalls for families at tax time give white families more of a boost than black or Hispanic ones. “Tax law is a political, a social, and an economic document. So of course there are going to be racial disparities.” Brown says. “To say, ‘the tax law is neutral’ is just nonsense.”

The mortgage interest deduction, for instance, which allows filers to reduce their taxable income, accounted for nearly $70 billion worth of deductions in 2013, and disproportionately helps white households, who make up the bulk of homeowners. And one credit that many assume largely helps minorities—the Earned Income Tax Credit—goes half to white people, Brown says. There are other culprits too, like the way joint returns reward or penalize couples based on earnings. “When blacks marry, they actually have their taxes go up, when whites marry, their taxes go down,” Brown says. Why is this? When couples marry and file a joint return, they can receive either a marriage bonus, which could be as high as 20 percent of their income, or be charged a marriage penalty, which could cost them as much as 12 percent, according to the Tax Foundation. The deciding factor is how close the two individuals’ incomes are: The bigger the gap the bigger the bonus. Brown says that this winds up penalizing black joint filers at a disproportionately high rate, since married black couples are more likely to have similar incomes, while households where one spouse works and the other stays home—the households that receive the biggest bonus—tend to be white. And the same goes for tax-advantaged savings accounts, like pensions and other retirement plans, which Brown says whites are more likely to have access to and to make use of, giving them a huge boost when it comes to building tax-free wealth for later in life.

In Gabler’s piece for instance, he notes that his financial predicament left him unable to pay for his children’s college education. So he turned to his own parents, who were able to provide the money for elite educations (at the cost of his own inheritance). It’s pretty unlikely than blacks or Hispanics would have access to these financial resources at all, from parents or grandparents. What’s more, windfalls like an inheritance come with tax advantages that a bonus from work or sudden jump in income don’t. It’s not just that white Americans tend to earn more, it’s that they hold more wealth: Less debt, more home equity, more stocks and bonds, more flush retirement accounts. These economic advantages accrue over time and then get passed down to the next generation, who in turn, are able to start their adult lives with a financial cushion, which can help them weather schools debt, unemployment, high rental prices, down payments, and emergencies of all varieties without doing the financially ruinous things that their peers without that backing may have to do. The lucky few who are able to do this, are, by and large, white.

The idea that parents or grandparents can swoop in to help their children buy a home, pay off a credit card, or cover the cost of college is mostly a reality for white America. That might be part of the reason that black young adults are more likely to owe on student loans (44 percent) compared to white young adults (35 percent). And sadly, a lot of the debt owed by young black and Hispanic adults is for degrees that they didn’t manage to complete, Currier says. These educational rifts, along with differences in family income and structure certainly play a part in the cyclical financial problems of minorities. But there’s more to it.

The persistent lag in wealth have been attributed to some of the same inconsistencies that account for income gaps, but they don’t explain the entire, vast discord. A 2015 report from the St. Louis Fed states, “Other factors must be in play, including early childhood experiences, parental influences and, of course, deep and historical discrimination against blacks and other minorities.”

Fry says that differences in education and family structures account for some of the differentiation in wages, but certainly not all of it. “Even when you look for equally well-educated blacks and whites there’s still a significant gap, which may point to overt discrimination,” he says. And that is especially troubling since income is the starting point for financial security in the first place. Most households get their money from working and wages—areas where minorities are historically and persistently disadvantaged.

That helps explain why blacks and Hispanics have such a hard time building wealth. “When you have low income you spend most of your money. You use it on your basic expenses, there isn’t much to save,” Fry says.

These discrepancies, in wealth and income, don’t just matter for a household’s current financial success, they set a path for what will happen for a family’s children, and grandchildren, and whether or not, over time, a family will be able to increase, or at least maintain their economic standing. But that, too, is deeply colored by race.

Fuente de la noticia: http://readersupportednews.org/news-section2/318-66/36464-not-all-money-troubles-are-equal-why-blacks-and-hispanics-have-it-much-worse

Fuente de la imagen: http://readersupportednews.org/images/stories/article_imgs20/020753-poverty-042216.jpg

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Menos pobreza y ricos intocables

Juan J. Paz y Miño C.

Inec, Senplades y Banco Mundial (BM) presentaron recientemente dos estudios: “Reporte de Pobreza por Consumo. Ecuador 2006-2014” y “Mapa de Pobreza y Desigualdad por Consumo. Ecuador 2014”.

Cabe resaltar algunos datos: entre 1995-1998, en plena vigencia del modelo empresarial-neoliberal, la pobreza por consumo aumentó del 39.4 al 44.8%; creció aún más en 1999, pues llegó al 52.2% en medio de la debacle bancaria; y luego retornó a un 38.3% en 2006.

Sin embargo entre 2006-2014, cuando cambió el modelo económico y social, la pobreza se redujo al 25.8%; también la pobreza extrema, que pasó del 12.9 al 5.7%; y aunque en el área rural la pobreza es mayor, igualmente se redujo del 61.5 al 47.3%. Además, cayó la desigualdad en la distribución del consumo per cápita, y entre 2006-2014 el índice de Gini pasó de 0.456 a 0.408.

Con el aval estadístico del BM, es evidente que hasta 2014 la Revolución Ciudadana sin duda logró abatir la pobreza, la pobreza extrema y la desigualdad medida por el índice Gini.

Pero es una cara de la medalla. La otra viene de la mano de dos investigaciones realizadas en la Facultad de Economía de la PUCE: la primera, “La concentración de capitales en Ecuador y sus efectos, período 2002-2008” y otra, “El proceso de internacionalización de los grupos económicos del Ecuador: una perspectiva histórico-económica” (2014), que contienen información relevante sobre los “grupos económicos”, que hasta 2014 eran 115 (hoy son 125). Los 115 grupos representan apenas a 3.757 personas (76% sociedades nacionales, 14% personas naturales y 10% sociedades extranjeras); pero los ingresos de esos grupos equivalen al 46% del PIB del país (2012); además de que ellos son únicamente el 0.2% de los contribuyentes registrados en el SRI.

El último estudio de la PUCE señala: “El cumplimiento tributario de los grupos económicos en su conjunto por concepto del IR (impuesto a la renta) bordea el 2,1%. Sin embargo, un importante número de ellos (23 en total) pagan menos de $ 1 de impuesto a la renta por cada $ 100 de ingresos, es decir, su carga fiscal es inferior al 1%”.

Estas investigaciones coinciden con los estudios de la Cepal sobre finanzas públicas, impuestos y evasiones, publicados en marzo de 2016, que traen datos alarmantes sobre la concentración de la riqueza en América Latina, así como sobre la elusión y evasión tributaria, al mismo tiempo que la institución cuestiona el énfasis tradicional en los impuestos al consumo y no en los directos sobre patrimonios, capitales y herencias.

Con todas las reformas impulsadas desde 2007 y a pesar de las recaudaciones logradas, Ecuador sigue por debajo de la línea promedio de la región en cuanto a la carga tributaria.

Y, como lo están demostrando los datos, si bien se ha logrado reducir la pobreza y mejorar la equidad a base de la inversión y atención estatal favorable a los sectores medios y populares, todavía ni se topa a la élite más rica de la sociedad. Y eso sigue ocurriendo en toda Latinoamérica, a pesar de los gobiernos progresistas y de nueva izquierda.

Fuente : http://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/columnistas/1/menos-pobreza-y-ricos-intocables

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UNICEF: Australian children are falling behind in health, education

Oceanía/Australia/Abril 2016/Autor: Eryk Bagshaw/ Fuente: smh.com.au

Resumen: Un informe de la UNICEF pone de relieve la brecha cada vez mayor entre los niños en la clase media y clase baja. Dicho informe hace preguntas difíciles para los responsables políticos de Australia sobre la forma de abordar las necesidades de los niños más vulnerables. Por lo que se entiende que los niños en Australia están retrocediendo en educación y salud.

The Fairness for Children report, released on Thursday, shows Australia ranks 27th out of 35 in health equality outcomes among OECD countries and 24th out of 37 in education equality results.

National Children’s Commissioner Megan Mitchell said Australia was failing to give all children the best start in life.

«UNICEF’s report highlights the widening gap between children at the bottom and those in the middle,» Ms Mitchell said. «The report asks challenging questions for Australia’s policymakers on how to address the needs of our most vulnerable children.»

According to the Australian Council of Social Services, poverty is growing in Australia, with serious consequences for children.

An estimated 2.5 million Australians are living below the poverty line, including 602,604 children. The Australia Child Wellbeing Project estimates that almost 22 per cent of 13- and 14-year-olds reported suffering from psychosomatic health problems daily.

In education, 9.1 per cent of 15-year-olds failed to achieve the basic levels of reading, maths and science literacy in the latest round of PISA tests.

Despite the figures, the federal government has been steadfast in its refusal to fund the final two years of the needs-based Gonski reforms. The reforms target schools in the lowest socio-economic areas.

At the Council of Australian Governments meeting in April, the federal government offered the states $2.9 billion in health funding, but no increased investment in schools, a move that could see the $4.5 billion allocated to the final two years of Gonski education funding slashed.

UNICEF Australia’s director of policy and advocacy, Nicole Breeze, said the research revealed concerning trends.

«The report raises some very stark questions about government policy. Australian children are falling too far behind at that bottom end against some key international measures,» she said.

Across the OECD, the gap between rich and poor is at its highest level in three decades, while the risks of poverty have been shifting from the elderly towards youth since the 1980s.

According to the report, Australia performed relatively well in terms of income and life satisfaction equality.

«But the size of Australia’s economy suggests that the outlook for Australian children could be significantly better,» Ms Breeze said.

«Australia must place equity at the heart of our child well-being agendas and the ‘leave-no-one-behind’ principle should form the foundation of future social strategies,» she said.

Fuente de la noticia: http://www.smh.com.au/national/education/unicef-australian-children-are-falling-behind-in-health-education-20160414-go6li2.html

Fuente de la imagen: http://www.smh.com.au/content/dam/images/g/l/0/e/v/v/image.related.articleLeadwide.620×349.go6li2.png/1460682049492.jpg

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In Mozambique, the children too poor to learn

África/Mozambique/Abril 2016/Fuente:Al Jazeera /Autor:Hamza Mohamed

Resumen: La noticia narra la historia de Candrinho y su hermana Anita quienes debieron abandor la escuela porque no podían pagar por sus uniformes y libros. A pesar de que Mozambique, es un país de más de 25 millones de personas, con una de las economías de mayor crecimiento en el continente, la riqueza no se ha alcanzado a todos. Mozambique posee una de las mayores tasas de abandono escolar en el mundo.

Beira — Early on a bright Monday morning in downtown Beira, Mozambique’s second largest city, 13-year-old Beitu Candrinho washes oranges beneath the shadow of a statue of Samora Machel – the country’s founding father.

He places the fruit in a basket and walks on to the busy, palm tree-lined streets of the city to sell them.

Candrinho has followed this routine for the past three years, six days a week.

«I work because I need to buy food for my sisters and me to eat. If I don’t work we will go hungry. I only take Sundays off to go to church,» Candrinho told Al Jazeera as he prepared for the long day ahead.

Candrinho had to start working on the streets of his seaside city after his father and mother divorced. His mother remarried and her new husband didn’t take kindly to Candrinho and his eight-year-old sister. Shunned and mistreated, the siblings found themselves under the care of their uncle but on one condition – Candrinho must work to support himself and his sister.

Candrinho accepted his fate and duly dropped out of school.

Every two weeks his mother-in-law gives him 90 oranges to sell and he needs to sell them all in 14 days to have a roof over his and his sister’s heads and two meals a day – breakfast and dinner. He sells each orange for the equivalent of 20 US cents.

«It is very tiring. I work from 6am to 6pm. I’m usually sad when I get home,» said the boy.

«Every day before going home I stopped by the church to pray and ask for a better life because doing this is very hard,» Candrinho said, as the first signs of traffic appeared on the main road, signalling the start of his day.

School drop-outs

Both Candrinho and his sister Aninha dropped out of school because they couldn’t pay for their uniforms and books.

They are not alone. Across this southern Africa country tens of thousands of children face a similar fate – working instead of learning.

Even though Mozambique, a country of more than 25 million people, has one of the fastest-growing economies on the continent, the wealth hasn’t trickled down to everyone, just yet. The country is home to one of the biggest school dropout rates in the world.

More than half of primary school pupils do not complete school. Only 47 percent complete primary school, with UNESCO saying in 2012 that 1.2 million children drop out of school.

Despite impressive yearly growth figures of more than 7 percent, more than half of the population – 54 percent – lives below the poverty line, according to the World Bank. Parents facing tough economic conditions will send their children out to work rather than to school.

The fact that most of the country’s population lives in the countryside exacerbates this situation, as economic conditions are more strained in rural areas where it is difficult for parents to send their children to school.

Playing games

Mozambique’s capital Maputo lies some 2,000 kilometres south of Beira. It has seen a recent economic boom and a flow of money, but in the city’s Mafalala neighbourhood it is common to see children working or playing football on dirt roads during school hours.

Arnaldo Djedje stood next to a game machine with a wad of cash in his left hand. The 14-year-old was surrounded by kids pushing to get a chance to play the machine. Djedje had dropped out of school two years earlier.

«I have been working as the manager of this game machine since 2013. It belongs to my uncle. I left school because my family could not raise the money for school,» Djedje said.

«I live with my grandmother and don’t get paid for working here. I get a place to sleep and food. When I get older I will like to be a soldier,» he said with a hint of a smile.

Djedje left school before he could learn to read or write.

Twenty minutes’ walk from the game machine booth is where Djedje calls home. His parents divorced and, with employment hard to come by in Maputo, Djedje’s father crossed the border into neighbouring South Africa, where he does menial jobs to earn some money. The little he sends back helps to pay for rent and send Djedje’s younger sister to school.

Doing good at school

Djedje’s elderly grandmother is left to look after the children.

«We had to choose which one to send to school. His father doesn’t have much money. So, we kept the daughter, who was doing better in class, in school. If we get money we hope to send him to boarding school,» Djedje’s grandmother, Almerinda Sambane, explained standing outside their one-bedroom stone house.

Mozambique came out of a brutal 15-year civil war in 1992, which started only two years after the former Portuguese colony gained independence in 1975. The war left an estimated one million people dead and the education system on its knees.

But since the government struck oil and gas off its shores it has been heavily investing in the education sector, building hundreds of classes a year while also training thousands of teachers.

According to the United Nation’s children’s fund, UNICEF, Maputo abolished school fees and introduced free text books in schools across the country in an effort to ease the pressure on poverty-stricken parents. This has led to school enrolments jumping from 3.6 million in 2003 to 6.7 million in 2014.

«Today we have about seven million children in the education system, although it is true that we do not have the conditions to give a classroom for each kid. We cannot have all schools with desks, with computers, with laboratories,» Jorge Ferrao, the minister for education, told Al Jazeera.

«We possibly need 38,000 classrooms and we are building a thousand classrooms per year. If we do that, dropout levels will find an answer. We have to give a seven-year education to our children as defined in our constitution,» Ferrao added.

The government might succeed in building thousands of new classrooms, but unless the economic realities of thousands of families change, many children like Candrinho could remain out of the school system.

«I want to go back to school and study to become a priest. My sister wants to become a nurse. But now we have no money for that,» Candrinho said.

 

Fuente de la noticia:http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/03/mozambique-children-poor-learn-160308104006411.html

Fuente de la imagen:http://www.aljazeera.com/mritems/imagecache/mbdxxlarge/mritems/Images/2016/3/8/d5d1996b4e074de3801df95ffa788d0b_18.JPG

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Panamá: Aumenta preocupación por jóvenes que ni trabajan ni estudian (Ninis)

es difícil para la juventud conseguir trabajo

Panamá/08 de Abril de 2016/06:45 A.M./Redacción PanamaAmerica

Aseguran que uno de los obstáculos que no existe una correlación de información entre el Ministerio de Desarrollo Social (MIDES), el Ministerio de Trabajo y Desarrollo Laboral (MITRADEL), Pandeportes y el Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INAC).

Unos  250 mil jóvenes que ni trabajan ni estudian (nini) son la razón que motiva la  creación la Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud, de acuerdo con el diputado Iván Picota, quien  elabora  un anteproyecto de ley para tal fin.

A juicio del diputado es difícil para la juventud conseguir trabajo y, por tal motivo, se  requiere un encuentro con las distintas entidades encargadas del tema, ya que  para él  hay un vacío de  coordinación entre estas.

Dijo en ese sentido que no existe una correlación de información entre el Ministerio de Desarrollo Social (MIDES), el Ministerio de Trabajo  y Desarrollo Laboral (MITRADEL), Pandeportes y  el Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INAC).

Señaló Picota que busca sentar a todos los actores para identificar la realidad de la juventud  e hizo referencia a la existencia de una ley concerniente a los jóvenes que actualmente reposa en la Asamblea Nacional, por lo que rescatará el documento con miras a impulsarlo y activar a estas entidades responsables  en el  tema.

Picota dijo que es necesaria la Secretaría de la Juventud para que conjugue todas las corrientes y actividades gubernamentales,  a fin de llevar un control y organización para los  jóvenes panameños.

“No hay control y no hay organización, y necesitamos atender a la juventud no solamente en el aspecto de trabajo sino también en el deporte y en la cultura, ya que a través de estas actividades se pueden obtener trabajos”, dijo Picota.

Argumentó la importancia del tema juventud en las entidades del gobierno, en cuanto a que tiene que ser coyuntural y necesario,  por lo  que se está buscando es que tengan empatía con las necesidades de ese grupo social.

Y es que en Panamá la existencia de los ninis está correlacionada con la violencia según un informe de del Banco Mundial (BM) publicado al inicio de este año, que también asegura que este estado de los jóvenes a largo plazo contribuye al incremento de la pobreza.

El consultor laboral, René Quevedo, asegura que la falta de capacitación de los jóvenes panameños a raíz de que el sistema educativo está desconectado de las necesidades laborales del país es la principal causa del desempleo juvenil en Panamá, lo que se refleja en la cantidad de ninis que existen, unos 222 mil. [VEA TAMBIÉN: Banco Mundial: Existencia de ninis en Panamá tiene relación con la violencia]

El estudio detalla que a pesar del buen desempeño económico de la región durante la primera década del siglo, con altas tasas de crecimiento y una reducción significativa de la pobreza y la desigualdad, la proporción de ninis descendió sólo marginalmente, mientras que el número total de ninis aumentó.

Según el organismo internacional, en América Latina los jóvenes que ni estudian ni trabajan son comúnmente llamados ninis.  Uno de cada cinco jóvenes del continente, representando más de 20 millones de personas entre 15 y 24 años de edad, vive en estas condiciones.

Fuente: http://www.panamaamerica.com.pa/economia/aumenta-preocupacion-por-jovenes-que-ni-trabajan-ni-estudian-ninis-1021185

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Australia:Talking Point-Going to school can stretch family budgets

Oceanía/Australia/Marzo 2016/Fuente: http://www.themercury.com.au/Autora: Alison Standen

Resumen: En Australia y Tanzania, si una familia desea llevar a su hijo a una escuela independiente debe considerar costos superiores a los 468.000 dólares solo en su ciclo de estudios escolares, en cambio en escuelas gubernamentales los costos se estiman en 66.000 dólares. Esta es la cruda realidad de la educación «gratuita» pública para miles de familia en esa región. En adición, anualmente las familias deben prever 2000 dólares solamente para uniformes, calzados e insumos por niño. Todo esto en un escenario donde 638.000 niños están viviendo con familias desempleadas.

For families suffering severe financial hardship, affording a child’s school essentials can be a distressing burden.

The Australian Scholarships Group says the lifetime cost of sending a child to an independent school is more than $468,000.

For government schools the estimate is $66,000.

This is the reality of a “free” public school education for thousands of families across Tasmania, and Australia.

However, not all of them will have the capacity to bear these costs, even when making the lowest possible contribution.

All parents want the best for their children, but for families struggling to make ends meet on an already strained household budget, finding the money to pay for their child’s educational needs causes additional stress.

How can we make sure these children are not further disadvantaged because they do not have the resources and support they need for school?

Some of us will know what it felt like to be singled out for not having the right clothes, the right pens, or schoolbag.

Some of us will remember feeling isolated, not good enough to keep up with our classmates.

When a child does not have everything they need for school, their learning can suffer — like the young student who failed an assignment because she could not afford excursion costs.

She was too embarrassed to let her teacher know why she could not attend.

We also hear about students who choose cheaper electives because they know their parents cannot afford the extra expense necessary for their preferred subject.

We hear about students falling behind in studies because they do not have access to a computer and the internet at home, essentials in today’s learning environment.

This is reality for many disadvantaged students. It is tough for their parents who, at this time of year, have been trying to prepare them for a new school year.

Last year, we estimated the cost for a family to provide the essentials for their child to attend a government primary school. We found the likely cost of uniforms, shoes and stationery, through to the charges that are part of daily attendance and study, at upwards of $2000 for one child over a year. And that’s just for primary school.

For a low-income family, $2000 is a big and probably unattainable ask.

When a child does not have the basics for school, they can start to feel different and isolated. The feelings worsen as each year passes. The consequences can be serious — becoming disengaged over time and at risk of dropping out of school altogether.

There is much that governments, community and business can and must do to positively influence the educational outcomes of disadvantaged children and help them avoid long-term dependence on welfare.

Research shows these children are more likely to experience financial hardship as adults. It’s a cycle that perpetuates through generations.

The Smith Family’s targeted educational program helps poor children to participate fully in education so they can get the chance to have a better future. However, demand for our services is far higher than the 34,000 children we are able to support — there are 638,000 children living in jobless families in Australia right now.

Education is a path out of poverty.

If we want to prevent disadvantaged children from the life-long effects of financial hardship, the best thing we can do is to support them while they are at school.

With a strong and complete education behind them, they have the best chance to go on to further training and work, and to enjoy a productive and fulfilling life.

Fuente de la noticia: http://www.themercury.com.au/news/opinion/talking-point-going-to-school-can-stretch-family-budgets/news-story/51ccd0c51fc3081c1889055195d22c73

Fuente de la imagen: https://www.pinterest.com/phyllisseidl/australian-aboriginal-history/

 

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