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La cultura de la paz y los derechos de los pueblos

La memoria no es pasado, la memoria ilumina el presente. Los pueblos sin memoria, los pueblos que olvidan, son pueblos que desaparecen. Por eso se trata de responder con una resistencia organizada para enfrentar mediante una lucha no violenta al sistema dominante. Nosotros, los pueblos del mundo, somos los que tenemos la capacidad de este cambio.

Fuente: La Jornada

Muchos han sido en la historia de la humanidad los atentados a la vida humana y de allí surgieron también herramientas normativas, pactos de convivencia, como la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos, creada después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La bomba lanzada sobre Hiroshima, que dejó profundas huellas en el pueblo japonés, el Holocausto y otras tantas matanzas, son expresiones de lo peor de la condición humana. Con la caída del Muro de Berlín y el fin de la llamada guerra fría, una potencia vino a monopolizar la hegemonía del poder: Estados Unidos de Norteamérica. Otras guerras presentes e inacabables se extienden en Medio Oriente, Libia, Siria, Irak y Afganistán. Guerras provocadas por esta potencia en defensa y tutela de grandes intereses del complejo industrial-militar. Miles y miles de personas mueren asesinadas, y otras miles, tratando de salvar sus vidas, fallecen y se pierden en el mar. El mar no deja huellas, pero estas huellas quedan en la conciencia de la gente.

Entonces, cuando hablamos de democracia y de paz, tenemos que interpelar esos conceptos. ¿De qué democracia y de qué paz estamos hablando? La democracia se construye. ¿Al mundo le importan las lágrimas de los oprimidos? Albert Camus afirmaba que la vida humana comienza del otro lado de la desesperación. Por eso debemos tener la utopía como horizonte y si no existe, debemos tener la capacidad de inventarla. De ahí el concepto de resistencia. Otro mundo es posible. Aunque no se pueda cambiar todo, lo peor que podemos hacer es ser indiferentes. El otro tiene los mismos valores y los mismos derechos que cada uno de nosotros, y si perdemos de vista al ser humano nos perdemos a nosotros mismos.

Hay un proverbio que reza: “Si no sabes a dónde vas, regresa para saber de dónde vienes”. Nosotros venimos del continente de la tierra profunda. Y nos duele lo que pasa en el continente, y nos duele lo que pasa en México. Y nos duele Ayotzinapa que, en la crudeza de los hechos, puso nuevamente sobre el tapete la dimensión y el alcance de la desaparición en este país.

Este continente sufrió en muchos países la militarización impuesta por Estados Unidos por conducto de dictaduras instaladas por la violencia, mediante un plan perfectamente estructurado, que dejó miles de muertos, torturados, exiliados, secuestrados e instauró la desaparición. De ahí surge la figura de la desaparición forzada de personas como crimen de lesa humanidad.

Lo que ocurre hoy en México son delitos de lesa humanidad. La CIDH está investigando estos delitos y debe continuar haciéndolo. Hay que superar la impunidad jurídica, porque mientras exista la impunidad, continuarán cometiéndose estos crímenes aberrantes.

La época de las dictaduras está presente hoy en la vida de nuestros pueblos y nuevas estrategias de dominación se expanden y consolidan.

Hoy se pretende afianzar en estas sociedades la cultura de la violencia. Hay que desarmar la razón armada a través de la cultura de la paz, respetando la diversidad que es la riqueza de los pueblos, privilegiando al ser humano sin distinción, sin preguntar su ideología. Hay que hacer caminar la palabra, cuidar la palabra. La palabra es vida.

Los pueblos tienen que ser protagonistas de su propia historia. No pueden ser pasivos. La pasividad no es la paz.

Tenemos muchas expresiones de resistencia: la de los pueblos originarios; la de las mujeres, las Madres de Plaza de Mayo son un ejemplo de resistencia; la lucha por los derechos humanos; en México la resistencia en Chiapas y otras expresiones de lucha.

Los pueblos indígenas sostienen su cosmovisión del mundo y hablan del “buen vivir” cuando las necesidades del ser humano están satisfechas.

El mundo ha cambiado, hay que pensar en un nuevo contrato social para la humanidad, necesidad frente a la cual es muy importante el rol que juegan los gobiernos, las sociedades, las organizaciones, las instituciones, la universidad.

La educación es muy importante para los pueblos y la conciencia de las nuevas generaciones.

La memoria no es pasado, la memoria ilumina el presente. Los pueblos sin memoria, los pueblos que olvidan, son pueblos que desaparecen. Por eso se trata de responder con una resistencia organizada para enfrentar mediante una lucha no violenta al sistema dominante. Nosotros, los pueblos del mundo, somos los que tenemos la capacidad de este cambio.

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Lecciones de experiencias ajenas

JOSÉ VICENTE RODRÍGUEZ AZNAR

… la experiencia nos muestra la obligación del gobierno de atender

 los reclamos de toda la población

 

Tratando de evadir por momentos mis habituales ocupaciones profesionales, me dediqué esta semana releer el libro “La casa de los espíritus” publicado en 1982 por Isabel Allende, cuando vivía exiliada en Caracas. Encontré unos párrafos que parcialmente reproduzco.
         “El pueblo se encontró por primera vez con suficiente dinero para cubrir sus necesidades básica… pero no podía hacerlo, porque los almacenes estaban casi vacíos. Había comenzado el desabastecimiento, que llegó a ser una pesadilla colectiva…
…Las mujeres se levantaban al amanecer para pararse en las interminables colas donde podían adquirir un escuálido pollo, media docena de pañales o papel higiénico. El betún para lustrar zapatos, las agujas y el café pasaron a ser artículos de lujo… Se produjo la angustia de la escasez…
…Se paraban en las colas sin saber lo que se estaba vendiendo… Surgieron profesionales de las colas, que por una suma razonable guardaban el puesto a otros; los vendedores de golosinas que aprovechaban el tumulto para colocar sus chucherías y los que alquilaban mantas para las largas colas nocturnas… Se desató el mercado negro.
…Los que nunca habían fumado terminaban pagando cualquier precio por una cajetilla de cigarros, y los que no tenían niños se peleaban por un tarro de alimento para lactantes. Desaparecieron los repuestos de las cocinas, de las máquinas industriales, de los vehículos. Así estaban las cosas cuando los camioneros se declararon en huelga…
…El presidente apareció en televisión pidiendo paciencia. Advirtió al país que los camioneros estaban pagados por el imperialismo y que iban a mantenerse en huelga indefinidamente, así es que lo mejor era cultivar sus propias verduras en los patios y balcones, al menos hasta que se descubriera otra solución… …El pueblo, que estaba habituado a la pobreza…, no perdió la euforia del primer día, al contrario,.. siguió cantando por las calles aquello de que el pueblo unido jamás será vencido, aunque cada vez sonaba más desafinado, porque la división y el odio cundían inexorablemente”.
Después de leer estos párrafos, cerré el libro y pensé en nuestra Venezuela actual. Isabel pone nombres ficticios a los protagonistas de su novela, pero es obvia la identificación en estos párrafos con situaciones reales vividas por ella en los últimos meses del gobierno de su tío, el presidente Allende, socialista marxista.
Algunas situaciones narradas las comprobé personalmente. Como presidente de la Asociación Interamericana de Presupuesto Público, asistí a reuniones en Santiago de Chile en julio de 1973. Conversé con funcionarios, antiguos conocidos míos. Carlos Matus, presidente del Banco Central, Gonzalo Martner, ministro de Planificación y Darío Pavez coordinador de las empresas básicas. Al manifestarles mi preocupación, decían no tener temor alguno ya que el proceso revolucionario era irreversible pues contaba con el apoyo del pueblo. Bien sabemos lo que pasó dos meses después, con un alto mando militar de extrema derecha, que por un tiempo ocultó su oposición a las políticas del gobierno.
No pretendo asemejar la situación chilena transcrita con la venezolana actual, ya que hay muchos elementos que nos diferencian, uno de ellos el feroz bloqueo internacional, comercial y financiero, que nosotros no tenemos. Pero la experiencia nos muestra la obligación del gobierno de atender oportunamente los reclamos de toda la población sin distinciones políticas, económicas ni sociales, pues la escasez y desabastecimiento de alimentos y de otros productos esenciales así como la inoperancia de servicios públicos básicos, afectan a todos los ciudadanos.
josevicenterodriguez.aznar@gmail.com

 

Publicado originalmente en el Universal de Venezuela

 

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América Latina Informe de Médicos de Pueblos Fumigados sobre Dengue-Zika y fumigaciones con venenos químicos

Fuente CADTM / 2 de Mayo de 2016

A la crónica epidemia de Dengue en Brasil (prácticamente endémica en el Nordeste brasileño junto con la pobreza y marginalidad de millones de personas) se le suma desde hace 9 meses un brote de Zika, virosis también trasmitida por mosquito Aedes.

La red de Médicos de Pueblos Fumigados emitió un informe sobre Dengue-Zika y las fumigaciones con venenos químicos que proponen implementar masivamente las Asociaciones de empresas reunidas en el Comité Ejecutivo Aeroagrícola Privado delMercosur, en el cual detallan la relación de Monsanto con la aplicación de un larvicida químico que produce malformaciones en los mosquitos y la relación del negocio de los agrotóxicos detrás de la epidemia de Zika.

Puntos principales:

  1. La epidemia de Dengue en Brasil se sostiene en forma endémica (permanente) en la marginalidad y miseria de millones de personas, sobretodo en el Nordeste brasileño. Ahora se suma la circulación del virus Zika, una enfermedad similar, aunque más benigna.
  2. Se detecta aumento de malformaciones congénitas en forma muy llamativa, sobre todo microcefalia en recién nacidos. El Ministerio de Salud brasileño rápidamente lo vincula con virus Zika. Aunque desconoce que en la zona donde viven los enfermos desde hace 18 meses aplican un larvicida químico que produce malformaciones en los mosquitos, y que este veneno (piriproxifeno) el estado lo aplica en el agua de consumo de la población afectada.
  3. Las epidemias previas de Zika no generaron malformaciones en recién nacidos, a pesar de infectar al 75% de la población de los países, tampoco países como Colombia registran casos de microcefalia y si mucho Zika.
  4. El piriproxifeno que se utiliza (por recomendación de la OMS) es producido por Sumimoto Chemical, una subsidiaria japonesa de Monsanto.
  5. Los médicos brasileños (Abrasco) denuncian que la estrategia de control químico contamina al ambiente y a las personas y no logra disminuir la cantidad de mosquitos, y que esta estrategia encierra una maniobra comercial de la industria de venenos químicos con profunda inserción en los ministerios latinoamericanos de salud y en la OMS y OPS.
  6. Fumigar masivamente con aviones como se está evaluando por parte de los gobiernos del Mercosur es criminal, inútil y una maniobra política para similar que se toman medidas. La base del avance de la enfermedad se encuentra en la inequidad y la pobreza y la mejor defensa pasa por acciones basadas en la comunidad.
  7. La ultima estrategia desplegada en Brasil y que pretende ser replicada en todos nuestros países es la utilización de mosquitos transgénicos; un fracaso total, salvo para la empresa que provee los mosquitos.

Descargar aquí informe completo:

 

Por Medardo Ávila Vazquéz (Red de Médicos de Pueblos Fumigados- Argentina).

Fuente: Ecoportal.net. Disponible en: http://www.ecoportal.net/Eco-Notici…

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Francia: «NUIT DEBOUT» La discordancia

LÉON CRÉMIEUX

«La ruptura entre los de abajo y los de arriba; las discordancias de abajo…»

Desde hace algunas semanas, el país ha entrado en discordancia.

Los medios continúan viviendo al ritmo del hablar entrecortado de los dirigentes de los partidos institucionales. Pero en estos momentos este tartamudeo se reduce a un murmullo, porque su voz es menos audible que nunca. Esto es cierto evidentemente en lo que se refiere a la pareja Hollande-Valls, que no llega ya a hacer oír su discurso de miedo y de amenazas para paralizar cualquier acción popular con el objetivo de ejecutar mejor las órdenes del Medef [patronal francesa]. Incluso la prolongación del estado de excepción hasta finales de julio aparece como una última tentativa de mantener con respiración artificial el discurso belicista y seguritario, última muleta de un gobierno a la deriva. Este tartamudeo inaudible concierne también a los demás dirigentes socialistas y a los de la derecha.

Esta pérdida de voz hacia el mundo exterior va acompañada de una cacofonía interna, tanto en el seno del Partido Socialista (PS) como entre los republicanos. Ruido de máquinas electorales que dan vueltas en el vacío en una esfera politiquera que ha perdido toda credibilidad para la gran mayoría de la población.

Todos estos responsables políticos retienen su aliento y su discurso, intentando hacer el menor ruido posible, esperando escapar lo más rápidamente posible a la pesadilla que temen ver desarrollarse delante de sus ojos. Su esperanza es evidentemente que la vida «política» normal, privilegio de un pequeño grupo de profesionales, retome su funcionamiento y plazos normales, a base de falsas primarias y dirigida exclusivamente hacia la renovación del Presidente de la República en 2017. Este silencio ensordecedor, este temor, no excluye a Marine Le Pen, vedette anunciada para esas elecciones, cuya popularidad mediática esta en impasse desde comienzos de marzo.

La cuestión es que en estos momentos, salvo ellos y algunos mensajes de los medios, todo el mundo pasa de las presidenciales de 2017.

Desde hace algunas semanas, la política ha cambiado de escenario. Ya no es el obligado perpetuo discurso de intoxicación liberal, ejecutado por los mismos políticos y los mismos expertos, en las mismas cadenas de radio y de televisión, repitiendo incansables la letanía del capitalismo.

La política se hace oír en otra parte: en las plazas, en los institutos, las facultades, las manifestaciones, las ocupaciones, las huelgas.

Con toda evidencia, los últimos meses han acabado de distender los lazos entre los gobernantes socialistas y todo lo que existe de resistencia social y sindical al capitalismo. La ley Khomri se ha convertido en un asunto político. El Medef no se ha equivocado. Desde hace 6 años, todos sus golpes bajos han sido puestos en práctica por los sucesivos gobiernos. El fracaso en la Ley del Trabajo sería un signo que impulsaría invertir las correlación de fuerza.

Pero este fenómeno supera la simple toma de distancia de los militantes del movimiento social respecto al PS. Si el debate sobre las primarias de la izquierda resulta ridículo, es también porque parece venir de otro siglo. Nadie espera ya nada de las próximas elecciones y de la monarquía presidencial, no solo porque no hay nada que esperar de los candidatos que se postulan para la segunda vuelta, sino también porque el anacronismo de uno de los sistemas políticos más reaccionarios de Europa se revela repentinamente de forma mucho más cruda.

De las manifestaciones y de las plazas de Nuit Debout suben otras voces que en primer lugar expresan todos los combates sociales y trazan las pasarelas entre ellos, hacen salir desde abajo todas las exigencias existentes contra los múltiples estragos de la sociedad capitalista, del liberalismo reaccionario. Todo lo que los medios y los portavoces del sistema intentan aplastar cada día y negar cada noche en los medios, es expresado de forma sencilla pero con fuerza por miles de voces de hombres y de mujeres, militantes de lo cotidiano, voces multiplicadas en las redes sociales. Lo que molesta a mucha gente es que estos y estas militantes no buscan un salvador, un candidato milagroso.

Más allá de estas exigencias sociales, de opciones de sociedad, ellos y ellas quieren plantear la cuestión fundamental de un funcionamiento diferente de la sociedad para quitar el poder a los bancos y a los grupos capitalistas. Plantean la cuestión del ejercicio real de un poder político y no la de la mejor forma de elegir un salvador supremo que a fin de cuentas haga la política impuesta por los poderosos. Los ejemplos reveladores de todos los gobiernos de «izquierda» en Europa, e incluso de la experiencia de Syriza, han pasado por ahí.

Estas voces no cubren aún la letanía mediática de los políticos, las plazas no reúnen centenares de miles de personas, los estudiantes de secundaria y los de la universidad no bloquean aún la mayoría de los centros, la huelga indefinida no se ha impuesto todavía… salvo en Mayotte. Pero ¿cómo no ver que todas las voces que suben tiene que ver con el malestar popular que siguió al encarnizamiento contra los asalariados de Air France y de Good Year, la revelación de la duplicación de salario hasta los 5 millones de Carlos Tavares patrón de PSA -el grupo que ha liquidado 15 000 empleos en 3 años-, los repetidos escándalos de los Papeles de Panamá, la desviación de fondos sociales realizada cada día por los grandes grupos capitalistas, en eco también con las exacciones racistas y liberticidas que han seguido a los atentados de enero y de noviembre de 2015?

Evidentemente, todo el mundo siente con claridad que esos ecos no constituyen una voz común. Existen aún otras discordancias. En el movimiento Nuit Debout apenas participan los jóvenes de los barrios populares, las y los que han sufrido más duramente las exacciones policiales, los controles por su aspecto racial y el ascenso seguritario de la islamofobia. Quienes sufren en primer lugar la precariedad y el paro entre la juventud, que la ley El Khomri va a agravar más aún. En su inmensa mayoría, las Nuit Debout son blancas…

En numerosas empresas del sector público y privado, la adhesión al objetivo de una huelga indefinida, de un enfrentamiento con el gobierno no es mayoritaria. La necesaria extensión de estas voces depende en parte de unos dirigentes sindicales que hacen lo mínimo para convertirse en sus altavoces, para estimular un enfrentamiento directo contra el gobierno, por temor a que el movimiento contra la ley El Khomri desemboque en el fracaso total de un gobierno de izquierdas.

Los dirigentes del PC y el propio J.L. Mélenchon siguen estando en gran medida «dentro» de la situación actual, los primeros preocupados por lass primarias de izquierda, el segundo por su marcha hacia 2017. J.L.Mélenchon se autoproclama dirigente y candidato presidencial «natural» y disfruta viendo que en los sondeos alcanza a Hollande. Incluso llega a fijar él mismo la fecha del 5 de junio como cita entre el pueblo…¡y su persona!, ¡cuando resulta que miles de hombres y de mujeres quieren precisamente acabar con un régimen presidencial autocrático y fijar sus propios plazos!

Las asociaciones, los militantes del movimiento social, de la izquierda radical dudan hoy, frente a las concentraciones de Nuit Debout que parecen a menudo no dejar suficiente espacio para sus combates, sus discursos por un debate político real y organizado sobre las salidas del movimiento. Paradoja, pues este ágora es claramente un ágora política, no un lugar ecuménico, «ciudadano», suma de palabras individuales sin vector ni diferenciación de clase. No todo el mundo es bienvenido en este marco que es el resultado de todo lo que la sociedad capitalista impone de explotación y de opresión. Pero la dificultad para que estas plazas, este movimiento, tomen una dinámica política es bien real. Y esto se hará forzosamente dando un lugar organizado a todos y todas las que desde hace años llevan a cabo el combate cotidiano contra el capitalismo en su sindicato, su asociación, su partido. Es también esta unión la que debe hacerse sin que nadie imponga su discurso y aprendiendo de las nuevas exigencias democráticas aparecidas en las plazas.

De la misma manera el papel del NPA no es ni tratar a Nuit Debout y al movimiento actual como un paréntesis que se cerrará más tarde para abrir LA campaña política de 2017, ni cultivar la ilusión de que este movimiento arrastraría todo a su paso, automáticamente, limpiando los establos de Augias del sistema político y de sus efluvios.

Este movimiento es la ilustración concreta de aquello por lo que luchamos: hoy se expresan en las plazas y en las calles todas las exigencias que reivindicamos desde hace años. Constituye una ocasión única, como no hemos tenido desde hace mucho, no solo para bloquear el ataque patronal y gubernamental, sino también para volver a plantear la pregunta, y quizá de encontrar un comienzo de respuesta, a la ausencia de representación política de las y los explotados y oprimidos. Muchos de quienes están en las calles y las plazas expresan una voluntad política de nuevas herramientas, de cambio en las reglas y de dotarse de medios que permitan establecer un vínculo entre todos los combates y de luchar de forma concreta para derrocar el sistema capitalista. El NPA debe trabajar en este sentido y plantear las exigencias que ponen directamente en cuestión el sistema, en particular el poder de los bancos, el poder de la patronal de tener derecho absoluto sobre el empleo asalariado y los cierres de empresas, la sumisión a las reglas de la Unión Europea. Denunciar la realidad del Estado, pretendidamente por encima de las clases, pero instrumento cotidiano al servicio de los explotadores. Poner también las exigencias democráticas de echar abajo el régimen presidencial, imponer un sistema proporcional integral en todas las elecciones.

También somos receptores y actores la búsqueda de una convergencia política realizada al calor del movimiento; convergencia que reagruparía a decenas de miles de hombres y de mujeres que combaten en el día a día al sistema. Esto no se hará ni en un día ni en una Noche, pero este movimiento también debe hacer germinar esta perspectiva.

Estamos en una situación bisagra de este movimiento. La discordancia, la ruptura entre los de arriba y los de abajo no tiene aún la dinámica suficiente para pasar a la etapa siguiente. Las discordancias de abajo entre las Plazas, los jóvenes y los trabajadores de los barrios populares, las discordancias múltiples entre los asalariados no están aún vencidas.

En los días que vienen, dos vectores pueden unificar por abajo: la fuerza del movimiento de secundaria que es el lugar privilegiado de la unión más allá de todas las periférias; la convergencia de los ferroviarios o de otros sectores importantes en la prolongación de la huelga puede dar confianza a muchas otras empresas para entrar en la batalla. El 26 y los días siguientes van a ser decisivos para la juventud y la gente asalariada.

Ahora bien, paralelamente hay que trabajar para dar todo su aliento político al movimiento. Mantener como objetivo concreto la retirada de la ley El Khomri no quiere decir ignorar todas las dimensiones del movimiento, todas las que debe adquirir.

Es preciso mediante llamamientos, mediante encuentros, hacer que se exprese un programa político que apoyándose sobre la fuerza de la huelga, de las plazas y de las manifestaciones haga converger a todos los actores del movimiento social y sindical y todas las exigencias, que trace las pasarelas concretas entre Nuit Debout, los barrios populares y las empresas en huelga, que haga que se expresen las exigencias comunes.

25/04/2016

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article37793

Anexo:

Comunicado colectivo:

Nuit debout y sindicatos ¡Darles miedo!

Los y las abajo firmantes, participantes en “Nuit Debout” y/o miembros de sindicatos, deseamos un acercamiento entre estas dos ramas del movimiento “contra la ley El Khomri y su mundo”.

Para esto, deseamos que todas las manifestaciones, las del 28 de abril, del 1 de mayo y las siguientes den lugar a momentos de confraternización en la plaza de la République, bajo formas diversas y a imaginar debates comunes, mítines conjuntos etc.

Deseamos que la plaza de la République se convierta en el lugar de llegada de las próximas manifestaciones, a fin de que los trabajadores y las trabajadoras se mezclen con la juventud, de que las reivindicaciones comporten una parte de utopía.

Deseamos que las estructuras sindicales de la CGT, de Solidaires, de Force Ouvrière, de la FSU, de la CNT y de todos los demás sindicatos así como los y las sindicalistas opuestos a la ley El Khomri, participen en estos momentos de confraternización, desde la base, las secciones de empresa, las uniones locales, hasta la cúspide, las federaciones y confederaciones.

Deseamos que nos demos cita desde el 28 de abril, tras la manifestación, en la plaza de la Republique, para discutir sobre todo esto de forma libre, humana, hacer balance de nuestros acuerdos y desacuerdos, nuestras diferencias, así como de nuestras luchas y nuestras esperanzas comunes.

Solo esta conjunción es capaz, hoy, de dar miedo a la oligarquía y de hacer retroceder al poder.

[Texto aprobado por la Assemblée Populaire Parisienne de los días 22 y 23 de abril de 2016 ; l’Assemblée de la NuitDebout Sainte-Foy-La-Grande ; la Commission Convergence des Luttes ; la Commission Restauration ; la Commission Action ; la Commission Grève Générale ; l’Assemblée de la NuitDebout Caen ; l’Assemblée de la NuitDebout Chambéry ; la Commission accueil et sérénité ; la Commission Drogue et Liberté ; la Commission Vote Blanc ; y otras en curso…]

Traducción: Faustino Eguberri para VIENTO SUR

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Fascism and the far right in Europe: country by country guide – part one

Fuente: dreamdeferred.org.uk /2 de Mayo de 2016

By Martin Smith and Tash Shifrin

Introduction

Europe is witnessing a dangerous revival of fascist and racist populist parties and organisations. Over the next few weeks we are going to publish a series of articles analysing the scale of this threat.

We will focus on the countries where fascist and racist parties have made significant electoral and/or organisational breakthroughs. There are small fascist groups operating in several other countries, but with very small numbers and little impact. We intend to look separately at the situation in Russia at a later date and have not included it here.

Our series starts with a country by country guide – part one is below, with part two to follow shortly.

Next in the series will be an analysis piece, including working definitions of fascism and far right racist populism, and we will look at the conditions that are enabling these parties to flourish.

We hope this series will be of use to antifascists and antiracists across Europe.

We would like to encourage readers to send us comments, reports and analysis of fascist and racist parties that are active your country or region. You are welcome to post your thoughts in the comments section, or if you would rather get in touch with us offline, you can email us via our Contact page. We very much hope you will support this project.

Part one

Our survey begins with a table of election results. This shows the spread of both fascist and far right racist populist parties across Europe and the electoral strength they have. In countries such as Hungary and Poland, we see a combination of a large far right party with a fascist party as well.

But it is important to note that this gives an indication only of the electoral strength of fascism and the far right. In our country by country guide and our full analysis to follow, we will also be looking at the strength of the paramilitary groups and street movements that make up the other wing of the European fascist and far right scene.

The table is intended to give an at a glance view of election results. But the figures should be treated with a degree of caution. Results cannot be directly compared between countries because of variations in the electoral systems in use – this applies even to the elections for MEP seats in the European Parliament held in 2014.

The timing of national elections, with countries going to the polls in different years, also makes direct comparisons problematic. We have used the most recent parliamentary election results in each country – but this means that in some countries the scale of the problem can be hidden. In France, for example, our figures come from the legislative elections of 2012, which marked only the start of the fascist Front National’s sharp rise. Its real strength now is much greater.

You can read all our election coverage here.

Table of election results to national and European parliaments

You can click on a country name to go straight to our guide to fascism and the far right in that country or scroll down to read our full guide.

Fascist party

MPs

% vote

MEPs

% vote

Far right party

MPs

% vote

MEPs

% vote

Austria
FPO 40 20.5 4 19.7
Belgium
Vlaams Belang 3 3.67 1 4.2
Bulgaria
Ataka 11 4.52 0 2.96
Patriotic Front * 19 7.3 0 3.05
Czech Republic
Dawn – National Coalition 14 6.88 0 3.12
Denmark
Danish Peoples Party 37 21.1 4 26.6
Finland
Finns 38 17.7 2 12.9
France
Front National 2 13.6 24 24.86
Ligue de Sud (FN splinter) 1
Germany
NPD 0 1.5 1 1.03 AfD 0 4.7 7 7.1
Greece
Golden Dawn 18 7 3 9.4
Hungary
Jobbik 23 20.3 3 14.7 Fidesz 117 44.8 11 51.4
Italy
Fratelli d’Italia – Alleanza Nazionale 9 1.95 0 3.66 Lega Nord 18 4.08 5 6.2
Netherlands
PVV 15 10.1 4 13.3
Norway
Progress Party 29 16.3 n/a n/a
Poland
Ruch Narodowy (RN) ** 10 n/a 0 1.39 PiS 235 37.58 19 31.78
Kukiz’15 42 8.81
Korwin (formerly KNP) 0 4.7 4 7.15
Slovakia
Slovak National Party (SNS) 15 8.6
Kotleba –People’s Party Our Slovakia (ĽSNS) 14 8
Sweden
Sweden Democrats (SD) 49 12.9 2 9.7
Switzerland
SVP 65 29.4 n/a n/a
UK
UKIP 1 12.6 24 27.5
Ukraine
Svoboda 6 4.71 n/a n/a
Pravy Sektor (Right Sector) 1 1.8 n/a n/a
* The European result is for the National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria, now part of the Patriotic Front.
** The RN’s candidates did not stand under their own banner, but sneaked in on the electoral lists of Kukiz’15. This means there is no official national figure for the RN’s voting strength.

Country by country

AUSTRIA

The Austrian Freedom Party (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) is a far right racist populist party that is seeing increasing electoral success. Its candidate Norbert Hofer leads the race for the Austrian presidency after taking 36.7% in the first round of voting on 24 April.

The FPÖ was formed in 1956 as the successor of the Verband der Unabhängigen, a group of so-called “de-Nazified” fascists and liberal republicans. Its first two leaders, Anton Reinthaller and Friedrich Peter, were both former members of the Waffen SS. However in the 1960s and 1970s the FPÖ became a centre right party promoting free market policies. Its first political breakthrough came in 1983 when it entered into a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ). It remains a party with a mixed membership that includes some fascist elements.

The FPÖ’s turn to far right populism took place under the leadership of Jörg Haider, who became party leader in 1986. Under his leadership the party began to adopt racist policies attacking asylum seekers and migrants. Haider became notorious for speaking out in defence of the SS and praising Hitler’s “full employment” policies.

In 1999, the FPÖ won 26.9% of the vote in national elections, its best ever result, and entered into a coalition government with the centre right ÖVP. Following a series of poor election results the FPÖ split in 2005. Haider and the parliamentary section of the party left, forming the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ), but Haider was killed three years later in a car crash.

The leadership of FPÖ passed to Haider’s long-term disciple, Heinz-Christian Strache, in 2005. Under Strache the FPÖ has regained much of its electoral strength. It opposes European integration, it is rabidly opposed to Turkey entering the EU and attempts to portray itself as an anti-establishment party. Strache is also an anti-Semite: he was widely condemned in 2012 after he posted a caricature on his Facebook page of a banker with a hooked nose, wearing Star of David cufflinks.

The core electoral support for the FPÖ comes from its racist agenda. It spearheads campaigns against migrants and asylum seekers. The FPÖ has also targeted the country’s Muslim population, stirring up alarm against the so-called “Islamisation” of Austria. In the run up to the European elections in 2014, Andreas Moelzer, a leading FPO candidate, declared that the EU was in danger of becoming a “conglomerate of negroes”.

In the 2015 Euro Elections the FPÖ polled a fifth of all votes. In October last year, the FPÖ came second with 30.7% in the Vienna state elections and it now stands in first place at around 30% in national opinion polls.

BELGIUM

The Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest, VB) is a fascist party, with a racist and Flemish nationalist platform. The party was formerly called Vlaams Blok and its supporters were Hitler worshippers with very close ties to Belgium’s wartime Nazi collaborators.

One of Vlaams Blok’s leading members was Philip Dewinter (now a leading member of Vlaams Belang), who is happy to cite leading Belgian Nazis and collaborators as close friends. In 1998 he visited a cemetery and laid flowers at the graves of 38 Flemish SS members who fought for the Nazis. According to historian Christophe Diercxsens, Dewinter was also the guest speaker for a gathering of the former SS collaborators of Sint-Maartensfonds in 2001. Dewinter opened his speech with the words, “My Honour is loyalty” – the official motto of the German SS-soldiers during WW2.

Vlaams Blok was forced to disband after Roeland Raes, the Vlaams Blok vice-president, gave an interview on Dutch TV in 2001 in which he questioned the number of Jews killed in the Holocaust and the authenticity of Anne Frank’s diary. Vlaams Blok was taken to court in 2004 and found guilty of racism and discrimination. It was forced to disband, with Vlaams Belang launched in its place.

Vlaams Belang has three MPs and one MEP. While they have publicly distanced themselves from the former Vlaams Blok, they continue to promote the same issues. The party has built its electoral base on campaigning for Flemish independence, is a fierce opponent of immigration and is Islamophobic to its core.

Vlaams Belang is affiliated to the Europe of Nations and Freedom political group in the European Parliament, alongside the French Front National.

Ataka leader Volen Siderov

Bulgaria: Ataka leader Volen Siderov

BULGARIA

Fascist parties hold one in eight of the seats in the Bulgarian parliament, following the general election of October 2014.

Two main fascist parties are vying for influence in the electoral field and on the streets. The Ataka (Attack) party’s vote fell from 7.3% in 2013 to 4.52% in 2014. But a newly created rival fascist coalition, the Patriotic Front (PF), gained another 7.3%, up on the performance of its two main constituent groups in the previous year’s polls when neither passed the 4% threshold to enter parliament.

The PF won 19 seats in parliament and Ataka another 11 – a total of 30 in the 240 seat assembly.

Bulgaria is the poorest country in the EU, battered by heavy IMF-imposed austerity measures since the late 1990s, and racked with continuing political crisis – general elections are held frequently as governments fall in turn.

But as in many countries of the former Eastern Bloc, the legacy of Stalinism means it is hard for the genuine left to build. Instead, Ataka and the Bulgarian National Movement (VMRO) – now a key constituent part of the PF – played a substantial role in anti-government protests.

Bulgaria’s fascists particularly target Roma people, who make up around 10% of the population and already suffer severe discrimination in housing, health, education and employment.

In 2011, anti-Roma pogroms broke out in towns and villages across Bulgaria, after a young ethnic Bulgarian was killed by a minibus driven by a Roma man. Huge armed gangs stormed into Roma areas destroying homes and attacking residents indiscriminately. The wave of violence – the worst since World War II – was orchestrated by the fascists.

The fascists also target Bulgaria’s Turkish and Muslim population, while the VMRO is an irredentist party that seeks a “Greater Bulgaria”, chomping up Macedonia and parts of Serbia, Romania and Greece. Bulgaria’s fascists have close ties with Hungarian nazis Jobbik.

CZECH REPUBLIC

Dawn – National Coalition (Úsvit – Národní Koalice) is a far right populist anti-immigration party that uses anti-Roma and anti-immigrant racism. It took 6.88%, winning 14 seats (out of a total of 200) in the 2013 general elections, although its vote halved at the European elections, when it failed to take a seat.

But although it has no fascist heritage, Dawn is moving in a dangerous direction.

The party was founded by Japanese-Czech businessman Tomio Okamura as the Dawn of Direct Democracy, with a platform based on “direct democracy” as an anti-corruption measure. Despite his mixed Czech-Japanese heritage, Okamura is a racist who has proposed that Roma people be expelled to India.

Immediately after the 2013 elections, the MPs rebelled and booted out Okamura, who founded a new party, Freedom and Direct Democracy (Svoboda a přímá demokracie, SPD). This has organised its own demonstrations against refugees.

The Dawn MPs were not opposed to Okamura’s racism, but their election raised their sights: instead of banging on the direct democracy drum, they seek to build a larger party, modelled on the French Front National.

The Czech outfit is clearly studying the approach of other fascist and far right parties: at the 2014 European elections they produced an anti-immigration poster based on the sheep motif used by the populist Swiss People’s Party and by the nazis of Germany’s NPD and the Czech Republic’s now-defunct National Party (Národní strana) which was shut down by the Czech supreme court in 2011.

The racist sheep poster, used by the German NPD, the Swiss People's Party, and by both the defunct National Party and Dawn in the Czech Republic. Graphic credit: Romea.cz

The racist sheep poster, used by the German NPD, the Swiss People’s Party, and by both the defunct National Party and Dawn in the Czech Republic. Graphic credit: Romea.cz

And like racist and fascist electoral parties in other parts of Europe, it is building links with a street movement, and with nazi and racist skinhead and football hooligan groups.

In February this year, Dawn joined forces with the Block Against Islam (Bloku proti Islámu, BPI) racist street movement to stage a racist demonstration “against the Islamisation of Europe” in Prague, with numbers put at around 3,000 by observers.

Representatives of the German Pegida movement and Czech nazi groups were also present. The demo ended in a violent attack by masked nazi thugs on a leftwing social centre providing language courses in Czech, Romani and English.

DENMARK

The far right racist populist Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti, DK) topped the poll in the European elections in 2014, winning 26.6% of the vote. It came second in parliamentary elections the following year, with 37 out of 179 seats.

The DK is a nationalist party that has built its electoral base through racism, especially targeting immigrants and Muslims. It was founded in 1995 as a split from the similarly anti-immigrant Progress Party. Its founder Pia Kjærsgaard has described a multiethnic Denmark as a “national disaster”.

The DK, now under new party leader Kristian Thulesen Dahl, has sharply increased its vote in the past two elections

The party has declared an aim of ending all immigration from non-Western or Muslim majority countries. Its strong position in parliament means it has been able to exert influence over Denmark’s centre-right minority government, resulting in measures such as the notorious new law allowing authorities to seize money and valuables from refugees.

FINLAND

The Finns party (Perussuomalaiset, PS), formerly known as the True Finns, is a far right racist populist party with a nasty leaning towards ethno-nationalism. It was founded in 1995 following the demise of its predecessor, the Finnish Rural Party.

Last year it won 17.65% of the vote in Finland’s general election. Although this was a slight drop from its 2011 vote of 19.1%, the Finns took second place, with 38 MPs out of a total of 200, and joined Finland’s coalition government.

The Finns party promotes anti-immigrant racism and decries multiculturalism. It also opposes the teaching of Swedish (an official language in Finland, alongside Finnish) in schools. Instead, it wants children to be taught “healthy national pride” and supports cultural activities that “promote Finnish identity”.

Among those elected as MPs for the Finns were four who were also leading members ofSuomen Sisu, a fascist organisation that has been described as “Nazi-spirited” in Finland’s press.

In 2013, one of these, James Hirvisaari, was expelled from the Finns after photographing a friend performing a Nazi salute outside parliament. Another, Jussi Halla-aho, has been convicted for inciting racial hatred. Suomen Sisu’s leader Olli Immonen, also a Finns MP, posted photos on Facebook showing him with members of the openly nazi Finnish Resistance Movement.

A 2011 opinion poll for the Helsingin Sanomat newspaper found that a majority of the Finns party’s supporters agreed with the statement: “People of certain races are unsuited for life in a modern society.”

France: Fascist Front national leader Marine Le Pen. Pic credit: Blandine Le Cain

France: Fascist Front national leader Marine Le Pen. Pic credit: Blandine Le Cain

FRANCE

The Front National (National Front, FN) is Europe’s most electorally successful fascist party. It took a record 6.8 million votes (27.1%) in the second round of elections to France’s regional government’s in December last year. It topped the poll in the first round as France’s most popular political party.

The parliamentary election results shown in our table mark only the start of the FN’s dramatic rise under leader Marine Le Pen, daughter of its founder Jean-Marie Le Pen.

In those elections, back in 2012, the FN took 13.6% of the vote, gaining its first two MPs since the 1980s, with a third MP’s seat won by splinter group Ligue du Sud. By the 2014 European Parliament elections, the FN’s vote had already rocked to 24.86%.

The party also controls 14 local mairies (town halls), which it is using as test beds for the future. In Béziers, in the south of France, for example, mayor Robert Méynard is setting up a uniformed militia of former soldiers and police to patrol the streets. He has also ruled against any new kebab shops and instituted a curfew on young people.

The FN has maintained a continuing base in its heartland areas since the 1980s, but has now expanded its reach massively.

Le Pen is set to make a serious challenge for the French presidency in 2017 – and the threat is very real. The FN mobilises its vote through racist, Islamophobic, anti-Roma and anti-immigrant rhetoric.

The FN’s meteoric rise follows Le Pen’s careful strategy of “de-demonisation” – a clean-up aimed at hiding the party’s fascist roots and politics under a bright, shiny “respectable” veneer, which has largely succeeded. Le Pen junior has finally expelled her more outspoken father, whose repeated Holocaust denial and crude quips were not welcome in public. But Marine Le Pen has never actually denounced her father’s politics – only their expression. She has also shifted the party from open expressions of anti-Semitism to the more publicly “acceptable” Islamophobia.

The clean-up strategy was in fact pioneered by Jean-Marie Le Pen whose “Eurofascist” project aimed to present potentially electable fascists in suits, keeping the bootboys and the swastikas out of sight. Marine has further refined the approach to create a glitzy, modern-looking party.

French fascism has long provided a theoretical and tactical framework that has inspired and influenced fascists across Europe. Today, every FN advance gives a boost to fascist and far right parties everywhere.

The FN has deep fascist roots. It was founded in 1972 by Le Pen, himself a veteran of theOrganisation de l’armée secrète (OAS) a brutal paramilitary far right organisation opposed to Algerian independence from France. It brought together existing fascist organisations such as Ordre Nouveau (New Order) – pictured at a conference with its White Power celtic cross symbols – Occident and the Groupe Union Défense (GUD).

FN predecessor organisation, Ordre Nouveau, in conference. Pic credit: Jacques Cuinières / Roger-Viollet

FN predecessor organisation, Ordre Nouveau, in conference. Pic credit: Jacques Cuinières / Roger-Viollet

Its founding political bureau included ON leader Alain Robert, Waffen SS veteran Pierre Bousquet, and François Brigneau, a former member of the Milice – the militia formed by the Vichy regime that collaborated with the Nazis in WW2.

Today, the FN largely hides the continuing links between its slick electoral operation and the small hardcore nazi street-fighting groups.

But its connections and overlap with the openly ethno-racist Identitaires activist movement are becoming more explicit as Génération Identitaires cadres move into the FN controlled town halls and seek FN party membership.

Germany: Pegida demonstration. Pic credit: Strassenstriche.com

Germany: Pegida demonstration. Pic credit: Strassenstriche.com

GERMANY

In a shock result at the 2014 European elections, Germany elected an MEP from hardcore nazi party the National Democratic Party of Germany (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, NPD).

NPD's Udo Voigt with Rudolf Hess banner. Pic credit: Marek Peters marek-peters.com

NPD’s Udo Voigt with Rudolf Hess banner. Pic credit: Marek Peters marek-peters.com

The NPD – whose leader is happy to pose in front of images of Hitler’s deputy Rudolf Hess – took just 1% of the vote, gaining the seat because Germany does not have a minimum threshold for winning European seats.

But the main electoral force on the far right is the Alternative for Germany(Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) – which won seven MEPs in 2014 and now has a presence in half of Germany’s 16 powerful state governments, although it has yet to win any seats in the federal parliament. It is the second largest party in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt.

The AfD – like Germany’s other racist and fascist groups – has sought to feed on the “refugee crisis”, ramping up its scapegoating efforts.

This racist populist far right party has been moving in the direction of fascism. It has been caught up in a factional battle, which has been won by the most rightwing and extreme racist elements.

Under new leader Frauke Petry the AfD is focusing ever more explicitly on anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim racism, and making overtures to the Pegida anti-Muslim street movement, described as “natural allies” by AfD deputy leader Alexander Gauland. Petry has declared that police should be able to shoot people crossing the German border “if necessary”.

Founder and former leader Bernd Lucke and his allies quit the party, claiming it had been infiltrated by racist, nationalist, anti-Semitic, Islamophobic and homophobic extremists.

In February the AfD announced an alliance with Austria’s Freedom Party (FPÖ) – a move that prompted the European Conservatives and Reformists group to seek to expel the two MEPs who remain part of the AfD following its split.

Meanwhile, Pegida (Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West) is a real threat on the streets. Pegida is a foul racist soup, in which NPD and other nazis mingle with fascist football hooligan gangs and softer racists. It is able to mobilise thousands on the streets, especially in the former East Germany, hitting a high of 25,000 in Dresden in January 2015. Pegida attracts large numbers of ordinary people to its demonstrations – it is bigger, with a far wider reach, than the English Defence League in Britain ever was. After a dip in numbers last year, Pegida has shown signs of reviving, targeting the increasing numbers of refugees and migrants.

The combined advance of far right parties both in the electoral arena and on the streets, with organised fascists tying to pull both wings further to the right, is very alarming. The successes of Pegida, for example, has given hardcore nazis greater confidence to organise on their own – with around 3,000 demonstrating in Berlin in March.

GREECE

Golden Dawn (Chrysí Avgí) is a nazi party. It has both an electoral and a paramilitary wing. It wants to see Greece run as a dictatorship, uses Nazi imagery and is openly ethno-nationalist and racist. Golden Dawn was founded in 1983 as an anti-Semitic, pro-dictatorship organisation.

It only emerged as a dangerous political force as a result of the 2008 economic crisis, which has left 4.7 million people unemployed. Golden Dawn has tried to portray itself as a friend of “ordinary” Greeks by distributing food to poor communities (as long as they are ethnic Greeks). At the same time it blames migrants for Greece’s economic problems. Golden Dawn’s Youth Front has distributed fliers in Athens schools and organised a Rock Against Communism concert series .

The party has a track record of violence and terror. A Golden Dawn member stabbed to death leftwing antifascist rapper Pavlos Fyssas in September 2013.

Support for Golden Dawn is becoming entrenched in sections of the Greek police force, giving the party’s thugs a level of protection and immunity. A report published by Amnesty International noted:

Our investigation shows that the Golden Dawn debacle is only the tip of the iceberg. Entrenched racism, excessive use of force and deep-rooted impunity are a blight on the Greek police. Successive Greek governments have so far failed to acknowledge, let alone tackle, these human rights violations by police and on-going impunity.

A huge popular backlash against the Pavlos Fyssas murder forced the Greek government to act. In September 2013, party leaders and MPs were arrested and jailed en masse in the wake of the murder of Pavlos Fyssas, and prosecutors charged the party with being a criminal organisation. Ten police officers were found to have direct or indirect links with criminal activities attributed to Golden Dawn members.

But despite the legal onslaught, electoral support for the nazi party did not fall. In the 2014 Euro-elections over half a million Greeks voted for GD, giving it three seats in the European parliament and in 2015 it won 7% of the vote in the parliamentary elections gaining 18 seats.

Part two of our series is coming soon…

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I Concurso literario “África con Ñ”

Fuente: Mujeres por África/2 de Mayo de 2016

  • MxA celebra el Año de Cervantes con esta iniciativa dirigida a mujeres africanas que escriben en español.
  • Hay dos primeros premios de 2.500 euros en las categorías de relato y trabajo de investigación
  • El concurso se enmarca en un proyecto de la Fundación cuyo objetivo es promover el uso del español en Africa

21 de abril de 2016. La Fundación Mujeres por África se suma a las conmemoraciones del Día Internacional del Libro y celebra el año de Cervantes con el concurso literario “Africa con Ñ”, dirigido a todas aquellas mujeres de nacionalidad africana, inéditas o consagradas, que escriben en español.

Las participantes pueden enviar sus obras desde hoy hasta el próximo  15  de octubre. Se premiará con 2.500 euros la mejor obra de cada una de las dos categorías establecidas en el concurso: relato y trabajo de investigación.

El fallo se dará a conocer en noviembre de 2016 a través de nuestras redes sociales y de nuestra web, y se comunicará personalmente a las ganadoras a través de correo electrónico.

Con esta iniciativa, que forma parte del proyecto del mismo nombre (“África con Ñ) para promover el español como instrumento de desarrollo en el continente vecino, se busca impulsar la creación escrita de las mujeres africanas en un idioma, el español,  cuyo interés es cada vez mayor en ese área geográfica pese al escaso apoyo institucional con que cuenta.

Solo en Africa subsahariana hay más de un millón y medio de estudiantes de español y 5 de los 12 países que más estudiantes de español aportan en todo el mundo pertenecen a esa región. Se trata de Benín, Costa de Marfil, Senegal, Camerún y Gabón.

El proyecto “Africa con Ñ” contempla otras actuaciones como la promoción de becas para estudiantes africanas de español que, gracias a la colaboración de la Universidad de La Rioja, pueden venir a nuestro país a perfeccionar el idioma durante un curso académico. Hasta el momento han disfrutado de esta beca siete jóvenes procedentes de Senegal, Ghana, Kenya, Costa de Marfil, Benín, Gabón y Camerún.

Una de las primeras iniciativas que MxA puso en marcha para promover y visibilizar el uso del español fue el I Congreso de Hispanistas Africanas Africa con Ñ, celebrado en 2014 en ciudad de Abidjan (Costa de Marfil), donde congregamos a medio centenar de especialistas procedentes de 20 países, en su mayoría africanos.

Formulario para participar

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EEUU: Exposed by CMD: KIPP’s Efforts to Keep the Public in the Dark while Seeking Millions in Taxpayer Subsidies

Fuente: PRWatch / 2 de Mayo de 2016

By Lisa Graves and Dustin Beilke

Charter schools are big business, even when they are run by «non-profits» that pay no taxes on the revenue they receive from public taxes or other sources.

Take KIPP, which describes itself as a «national network of public schools.»

KIPP (an acronym for the phrase «knowledge is power program») operates like a franchise with the KIPP Foundation as the franchisor and the individual charters as franchisees that are all separate non-profits that describe themselves as «public schools.»

But how public are KIPP public schools?

Not as public as real or traditional public schools.

New documents discovered on the U.S. Department of Education’s website reveal that KIPP has claimed that information about its revenues and other significant matters is «proprietary» and should be redacted from materials it provides to that agency to justify the expenditure of federal tax dollars, before its application is made publicly available.

So what does a so-called public school like KIPP want to keep the public from knowing?

1. Graduation and College Matriculation Rates

KIPP touts itself as particularly successful at preparing students to succeed in school and college.

Yet, it insisted that the U.S. Department of Education keep secret from the public the statistics about the percentage of its eighth graders who completed high school, entered college, and/or who completed a two-year or four-year degree.

A few years ago, professor Gary Miron and his colleagues Jessica Urschel and Nicholas Saxton, found that «KIPP charter middle schools enroll a significantly higher proportion of African-American students than the local school districts they draw from but 40 percent of the black males they enroll leave between grades 6 and 8,» as reported by Mary Ann Zehr in Ed Week.

Zehr noted: «‘The dropout rate for African-American males is really shocking,’ said Gary J. Miron, a professor of evaluation, measurement, and research» at Western Michigan University, who conducted the national study.

Miron’s analysis was attacked by KIPP and its allies, who said KIPP’s success was not due to the attrition of lower performing students who leave the school or move to other districts. One of its defenders was Mathematica Policy Research, whose subsequent study was used to try to rebut Miron’s analysis. (That name will be important momentarily.)

The Department of Education has been provided with the data about what percentage of KIPP students graduate from high school and go on to college, but it is helping KIPP keep that secret—despite the public tax dollars going to these schools and despite KIPP’s claim to be operating what are public schools.

Real public schools would never be allowed to claim that high school graduation rates or college matriculation rates are «proprietary» or «privileged» or «confidential.»

Why does the Education Department’s Charter School Program «Office of Innovation and Improvement» defer to KIPP’s demand to keep that information secret from the public?

Meanwhile, the KIPP Foundation regularly spends nearly a half million dollars a year ($467,594 at last count) on advertising to convince the public how great its public charters are using figures it selects to promote. Almost no public school district in the nation has that kind of money to drop on ads promoting its successes.

2. Projected Uses of Federal Taxpayer Dollars (and Disney World?)

Even as KIPP was seeking more than $22 million from the federal government to expand its charter school network, it insisted that the U.S. Department of Education redact from its application a chart about how much money would be spent on personnel, facilities, transportation, and «other uses» under the proposed grant. KIPP also sought to redact the amount of private funding it was projecting.

The agency’s compliant Office of Innovation and Improvement obliged KIPP.

However, after the grant was approved, KIPP did have to comply with IRS regulations to file a report on its revenues and expenditures, as all entities given the privilege of having their revenue tax-exempt or tax-deductible do. (Those filings usually are made available a year after the revenue and expenditures accrue.)

That is, the federal government’s Office of Innovation and Improvement redacted information about KIPP’s revenue and expenditures on the basis of an unsupportable assertion that such information was exempt under the Freedom of Information Act as proprietary, confidential, or privileged even though it is not.

Here are some of the key details from KIPP’s 2013 tax filings (uploaded below):

  • KIPP received more than $18 million in grants from American tax dollars and more than $43 million from other sources, primarily other foundations;
  • KIPP spent nearly $14 million on compensation, including more than $1.2 million on nine executives who received six-figure salaries, and nearly $2 million more on retirement and other benefits;
  • KIPP also spent over $416,000 on advertising and a whopping $4.8 million on travel; it paid more than $1.2 to the Walt Disney World Swan and Resort;
  • It also paid $1.2 million to Mathematica for its data analysis; that’s the firm that was used to try to rebut concerns about KIPP’s performance and attrition rates.

KIPP’s revenue and spending in 2014 were similar, but there are some additional interesting details (uploaded below):

  • KIPP received more than $21 million in grants from American tax dollars and more than $38 million from other sources, primarily other foundations;
  • KIPP spent nearly $18 million on compensation and nearly $2 million more on retirement and other benefits;
  • KIPP paid its co-founder, David Levin, more than $450,000 in total compensation, and its CEO, Richard Barth, more than $425,000 in total compensation, in addition to six-figure salaries for eight other executives;
  • KIPP also spent over $467,000 on advertising and more than $5 million on travel;
  • It also paid nearly $1 million to Mathematica for its data analysis.

In that tax year, which covers the 2013-2014 school year, as traditional public schools faced budget cuts across the country, KIPP spent more than $3.5 million on «lodging and hospitality,» including more than $1.8 million alone at the posh Cosmopolitan Hotel and Casino in Las Vegas.

Since its revenue from taxpayers is commingled with its revenues from wealthy charter school advocates and the foundations they control, there is no way to sort out how much of taxpayer money has directly gone into luxurious trips for KIPP employees versus how much having revenue from taxes helps subsidize such largesse.

But, there is no public school district in the country that would be allowed such travel and promotional expenditures for its executives or teachers if the voters knew about it or had a say in it.

Perhaps it should be no surprise that KIPP would want the grant-makers at the U.S. Department of Education to redact the amount of its expenditures for personnel, facilities, transportation, and «other uses»—especially with extravagant expenditures like its transportation and lodging at fabulous resorts, as opposed to transportation for kids to school—but why would the federal agency charged with oversight go along with redacting information about how much KIPP was projecting to spend in those categories?

KIPP did request that budget information about how much it or its affiliates paid the executive directors for individual charters, principals, accountants, grant managers, community coordinators, and IT teams be kept from the public, under a claim that such information is proprietary.

But the Office of Innovation and Improvement did not accommodate that request.

Notably, KIPP’s grant application sets forth «regional leadership» expenses that total nearly $5 million of the projected budget for the grant. There is no indication how much taxpayers are directly or indirectly subsidizing the six-figure salaries of its executive suite including the nearly half-million in total compensation for each of KIPP’s two highest paid employees. (This grant application only pertains to one source of federal and state grants that annually provide revenue to KIPP.)

3. Full Disclosure of Attrition and Performance Results

Not only did KIPP seek to keep the public in the dark about how it spends tax-exempt funding and how many KIPP students make it to high school graduation or college, it also sought to redact information «KIPP Student Attrition» by region and «by subgroup» and «KIPP Student Performance» on state exams on «Math and Reading.»

The Office of Innovation and Improvement did as KIPP requested.

But why would KIPP, which advertises its claimed superiority, and the Department of Education, which uses KIPP as an example of the success of charters, keep information about attrition and performance secret, especially when that subject is one of great public interest as noted by the Economic Policy Institute?

Page after page after page in KIPP’s application that shows the percentage of school students who leave KIPP is blacked out along with information about student test results by school for the three years prior to the grant application.

How can the Department of Education acquiesce in a request by a charter it cheerleads for to keep data about that charter’s retention or dropout rate secret?

If both sets of redacted figures were truly excellent, why wouldn’t both KIPP and the Department of Education release those results? After all, KIPP included glossy PR documents on some of its schools in its application materials touting select data about test results.

Why should unelected bureaucrats at the federal agency get to see the data about attrition and performance in awarding millions in taxpayer dollars to KIPP but go along with KIPP in keeping those specific statistics from the public?

In short, what are KIPP and the Department of Education hiding from the American people?

4. The CEO Foundations Pushing School «Choice» and Subsidizing KIPP

KIPP also asked the Office of Innovation and Improvement to redact the amounts of funding provided to KIPP by foundations that wrote letters of support for KIPP to receive federal taxpayer money under the grant.

The grant documents the Center for Media and Democracy has examined reveal that these are the names and amounts that KIPP sought to keep the public from knowing and that the Department of Education blacked out at KIPP’s request:

  • Robertson Foundation: $20M
  • Atlantic Trust/ Kendeda Fund: $15 million
  • Marcus Foundation: $4.5M
  • Zeist: $1.7M
  • Lowe Foundation: $357,000
  • Webber Family Foundation: $351,780
  • Sooch Foundation: $675,000
  • Tipping Point Community: $2M
  • Schwab Foundation: $2.5M
  • Koret Foundation: $2,135,000
  • SAP: $297,389
  • Kobacker: $100,000
  • Todd Wagner Foundation: $1,000,000
  • El Paso, $1,000,000
  • Charles T. Bauer Foundation: $1,242,000
  • Karsh: $8M
  • Charter Schools Growth Fund: $2 million
  • Formanek: $526,000
  • Goldring Family Foundation: $1,000,000
  • Charles Hayden Foundation: $1.393 million
  • Victoria Foundation: $626,000
  • CityBridge Foundation: $2.9M»

Almost all of these donors are foundations that have to annually disclose to the IRS and make available to the public the names of their grantees and the amounts granted. So this information is not privileged, confidential or proprietary.

Why would the Office of Innovation and Improvement go along with a request to keep secret from the public information that is subsequently required to be made public?

While many of the foundations listed above are led by corporate CEOs or their families, only a few are corporations whose donations might not be routinely disclosed.

SAP, for example, is the name of a German corporation that made headlines 18 months ago for dumping the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) after Google dumped ALEC for its climate change denial and obstruction. Should Americans be concerned that a foreign multinational corporation is influencing American «public charters» through KIPP? The truth is foreign multinationals are exercising increasing influence over American charter schools and testing. Just look at the growth in U.S. business of the British firm, Pearson.

At the same time, the volume of such private philanthropic support begs the question of why the American taxpayer ought to be subsidizing schools that are touted as public but act like private ones when it comes to executive compensation and roadblocks to transparency, especially at a time when traditional public schools are facing such budgetary pressures?

KIPP is a taxpayer-subsidized school franchise that pays no taxes on its revenue and provides a tax-deductible vehicle for uber-wealthy families to promote the school «choice» agenda.

And, the fact that taxpayer money is going to a group spending millions on luxury trips to resorts in Las Vegas is mind-boggling in an age of austerity when many public schools are going without basic necessities.

With each new fact that comes out, the charter school industry is looking more like the military defense industry with the scandals of the 1980s as with the infamous $600 toilet seat. There’s no indication of fraud by KIPP.

But from an optics standpoint some might consider a $600 plastic seat small change, compared with a «public school» spending more than a million to go to Disney World in one year, even if only one-third of KIPP’s funding comes from taxpayers directly and the remainder comes at taxpayer expense due to CEOs writing off donations to foundations that help underwrite KIPP.

Plus, separate from the grant application discussed here, KIPP has been funded by the U.S. Department of Education to conduct leadership training summits for KIPP principals and other personnel. That application also includes significant redactions, including about key components of the budget for what it calls KIPP «summits» or annual meetings and other gatherings (as well as a total redaction of the Mathematica analysis commissioned by KIPP).

Meanwhile, KIPP told the Education Department that in its first 10 years it had raised more than $150 million from private philanthropic sources, which underscores the question of why taxpayers are subsidizing an operation that already has ample support from the corporate community and those taxpayer dollars could be going instead to strengthen traditional public schools that are truly public and that are not subsidized by tax write-offs for the one percent through their foundations.

Indeed, those tax write-offs serve to diminish the base of revenue available for tax revenue to fund public schools and other genuinely public goods in the first place.

A Closer Look at KIPP

It appears that all the redactions were in response to «proprietary» instructions KIPP dictated to DOE through a four-page document titled, «Proprietary Information.»

The Education Department complied with almost all of KIPP’s instructions, despite how contrary they are to public policy and even to publicly available information.

These black marks come at a time when cracks are starting to show in KIPP’s once beyond-reproach veneer.

KIPP is the largest and most lauded charter school chain in the United States and the recipient of many millions of dollars in taxpayer grants, foundation gifts and handouts from billionaire charter school enthusiasts.

A new book by Jim Horn, Work Hard, Be Hard: Journeys Through ‘No Excuses’ Teaching, focuses on the experiences and perspectives of dozens of former KIPP teachers who have become critics of the chain and many of the principles it is based on, including the Teach for America program that supplies KIPP with many of its teachers.

The book’s title is a reference to «Work Hard. Be Nice» the book-length puff piece authored by Washington Post education reporter Jay Matthews about KIPP’s founders Mike Feinberg and Dave Levine.

In a review of Work Hard, Be Hard that is excerpted on Diane Ravitch’s blog, education professor Julian Vasquez Heilig writes that screaming at students is accepted teaching practice in KIPP schools:

Why does KIPP encourage and/or allow these practices? Horn writes, school leaders relayed that ‘because of cultural differences, black students are accustomed to being screamed at…because that’s how their parents speak to them.’ A KIPP teacher characterized the worst offender at her school as a ‘screamer, swearer and humiliator.’

«KIPP might also argue that they are the beneficiaries of widespread support in communities across the nation. It is very clear that KIPP benefits from powerful influential and wealthy supporters in government, the media, and foundations. Their no excuses approach to educating poor children has resonated with the elites in society and they have showered the corporate charter chain with resources for decades. So it may be surprising to some to read the counternarrative from KIPP teachers that is quite different than what you typically read in the newspapers, see in documentaries like Waiting for Superman, and generally experience in the public discourse. I proffer that the KIPP teachers’ counternarratives in Journeys should be required reading for all of KIPPs influential supporters.»

So what is the disgruntled KIPP teachers’ counter-narrative? For one, the model seems to create lousy working conditions for the purpose of encouraging high teacher turnover. One former teacher says, «I wouldn’t wish it on anyone who wanted to be a teacher for the long-term…It’s exhausting. It’s demoralizing.»

And this is where Teach for America comes in. «Without a constant infusion of new teachers to replace all those who burn out,» Horn writes, «KIPP would have to shut its doors… The role of Teach For America and programs based on Teach For America’s hyper-abbreviated preparation are crucial, then, for the continued survival of… KIPP.»

In short, the new book offers a devastating critique of the KIPP business model at a time when KIPP and the Department of Education appear to be aiding each other in trying to keep critical information out of the public debate through redaction.

Lisa Graves is the Executive Director of the Center for Media and Democracy, a national watchdog group. Her expertise and CMD’s niche are investigating and exposing the undue influence of corporations on public policy. CMD’s investigations help aid grassroots efforts to secure a healthier democracy, economy, and environment for us all.

  • See more at: http://www.prwatch.org/news/2016/04/13096/exposed-cmd-kipps-efforts-keep-public-dark-while-seeking-millions-taxpayer#sthash.EOUa99Md.9RhT360H.dpuf

  • See more at: http://www.prwatch.org/news/2016/04/13096/exposed-cmd-kipps-efforts-keep-public-dark-while-seeking-millions-taxpayer#sthash.EOUa99Md.9RhT360H.dpuf

 

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